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The Context of HIV Risk Among Drug Users and Their Sexual Partners

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Robles <strong>and</strong> colleagues (1990) examined social relations <strong>and</strong> roles <strong>of</strong> 160<br />

Puerto Rican sexual partners <strong>of</strong> IVDUs in Puerto Rico as they related to<br />

prevention <strong>of</strong> <strong>HIV</strong> transmission, particularly use <strong>of</strong> condoms. <strong>The</strong>y used<br />

the AIDS Initial Assessment instrument developed by the National<br />

Institute on <strong>Drug</strong> Abuse along with participant observation notes <strong>and</strong><br />

transcribed conversations. Although the women were not IDUs, they<br />

engaged in substantial use <strong>of</strong> noninjected substances. Alcohol was the<br />

most commonly used substance <strong>of</strong> abuse <strong>and</strong> marijuana the second most<br />

common. Involvement with noninjection cocaine also was high.<br />

<strong>The</strong> reasons most cited by the women for not using condoms were that<br />

their husb<strong>and</strong>s did not like it (52.6 percent), <strong>and</strong> they themselves did not<br />

like the condoms (35.5 percent). Also, 50.3 percent reported other<br />

reasons related to their partners. <strong>The</strong> article indicated that these women<br />

were cognizant <strong>of</strong> their risk <strong>of</strong> getting infected with AIDS, as 84 percent<br />

reported that they had at least some chance <strong>of</strong> developing AIDS.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se investigators obtained additional contextual information. <strong>The</strong><br />

ethnographic data showed that these women did not belong to or<br />

participate in organizational activities. However, they were actively<br />

involved in primary group relationships with family, friends, neighbors,<br />

<strong>and</strong> peers-particularly family. In applying Bowen’s (1978) ideas, these<br />

women in Puerto Rico would be described as expending much <strong>of</strong> their<br />

life energy for maintaining relationship systems around them, <strong>and</strong> there<br />

appears to be little energy left for involvement in other things. <strong>The</strong>re is<br />

no sense <strong>of</strong> solid self as described by Bowen, to the extent that energy<br />

can be reserved <strong>and</strong> used for making decisions <strong>and</strong> changing behaviors<br />

that impact in a major way on their health.<br />

While all <strong>of</strong> these studies reporting associations between demographics<br />

<strong>and</strong> specific risk behaviors or between specific drugs <strong>and</strong> risk behaviors<br />

provide findings that are factual <strong>and</strong> informative, contextual issues are<br />

relatively neglected. An exception to this is investigation <strong>of</strong> the impact <strong>of</strong><br />

multiple drug use on sexual <strong>and</strong> injecting risk behaviors. If more<br />

investigators had probed the circumstances or situations that led these<br />

women to use crack as opposed to another type <strong>of</strong> drug, the impact <strong>of</strong><br />

community <strong>and</strong> family relations on their drug use, or other situationspecific<br />

variables, a fuller sense <strong>of</strong> the context <strong>of</strong> the high-risk practices<br />

<strong>of</strong> women would have been developed. Of particular concern is that<br />

sometimes findings specific to females, <strong>and</strong> perhaps even females within<br />

specified ethnic groups, could have been reported but were not.<br />

Examples <strong>of</strong> not reporting analyses specific to females <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> neglecting<br />

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