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history of subjection to a colonial/imperial foreign power which it shares with its Asian
neighbours. The second is the legacy of World War II, during which a militarily aggressive
Japan was countered by Australians fighting with Britain and the Empire. This is the single
instance of Australian participation in a war in which it was itself at risk and left deep and
enduring attitudes of resentment and fear until this day (Gooneratne, 1992, Asia, 341).
The emerging nations of Asia have shown strong signs of being able to overcome the
disadvantages of the post-colonial world. Singapore has gained independence and economic
success. India has proved itself to be able to defeat the British empire through pure force of
will. Even war-ravaged countries like Vietnam and Cambodia are rejoining the world
economic community. There are also disturbing signs out of Asia. Antagonism between old
rivals—India against Pakistan; Malaysia against Indonesia—plus the continuing internal
political troubles coming out of weaknesses in democratic systems and ethno-religious
conflicts are causes for doubt over Asia’s proposed role as model and/or partner for Australia.
The self-contradictory goals of Australia—to reaffirm its co-operation with the West; to
maintain its security; to promote good relations with Asian nations; to limit non-white
immigration is the knot which Australians have never been able to untie. That they definitely
recognise Southeast Asia as their ‘Near North’ seems certain in light of recent events in East
Timor in which Australia has taken the lead in bringing in an international presence to help that
troubled emerging state. Yet, the continuing political, social and economic turbulence seems
to justify a return to a perception dominated by ‘Orientalist’ terms. Perhaps it is fair to call the
Asia-Pacific a very exotic, enticing, and threatening region, and it is not so surprising that
many are not sure how near they want to get to their North.
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