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-10<br />

a sizeable informal economy operates throughout the Pacific. This is based on barter and<br />

non-rnonetary currencies, s.rch as fine mats, home-grown produce or kinship obligations. The<br />

statement usually made is that there are no old people's homes in the South Pacific. It would<br />

be interesting to know m a statistical basis how many elderly people are in institutional care<br />

in New Zealand compared to, say, Oregon. The cultural environnent is in other worde a<br />

potent factor with far-reaching implications for the workability of developnent theories<br />

imported from elsewhere.<br />

The aspirations for higher material standards of living are often in conflict with the<br />

traditional side of the culture, and this has created a set of unresolved tensiong - economic,<br />

social and political. Although the option of reverting to self-sufficiency does exist in most<br />

cases, ii can be ruled out as a realistic solution. It should however be reserved as a<br />

contingency in development planning, to deal with emergency situations or global<br />

catastrophes. It can also be a separate qlion for different individuals at different stages of<br />

life or career. In New Zealand we do not take zufficient accounl of the real economy in use<br />

of scarce resources (particularly overseas funds), represented by those who opt to work a<br />

piece of land m a subsistence basis. In Pacific Island terms, their efforts would be seen as a<br />

contribution to net national welfare.<br />

However, this should not conceal the fact that development is going to be largely about<br />

cash incomes and that an ever-increasing proportion of young people in the Pacific Islands<br />

will be pursuing the material lifestyle they see on films, in tourist resorts and when they<br />

travel to Auckland. Hmda and Sanyo have done more to chanqe Lhe modern Pacific than any<br />

economic or political lheories. There is no turning back, and even in the mos! remote atolls<br />

we now see cash stones operating, with remittances coming in to finance the trade. The<br />

options for development put forward at election time throughout the self-governing Pacific,<br />

bring out the simple fact that the voters wanL more cash in hand. There is no choice over<br />

the inclusion of increased per capita income in any development plan. What does become<br />

impontant is what else you add in.<br />

This is where the philosophy of the "Pacific way" ean offer a clue. It seems that the<br />

development thinkers of the region almost instinctively add in three components which are<br />

impontant because of Lhe cultural conLext, These are:<br />

a) the social impact of developmeni; where do people end up living, what does this rnean<br />

for families, villages, whole islands?<br />

b) the development of individual skills; in Lraditional lerms, the acquisition of skills was a<br />

built-in process and most elders see no reason why the young should not carry on this<br />

tradition in a Western-type economy.<br />

c) the need t.o conserve resources and derive maximum welfare from a zustainable level of<br />

nesource use.<br />

These elements are very familiar to anyone dealing with environrnental assessmenl in<br />

New Zealand. Indeed, the NZ Commission fon the f nvironment looks at particular projects in<br />

an objective manner and in the totality of their effects on the New Zealand environnrent. If<br />

there ane gaps in the planning of a venture, e.g. in the provision of adequate housing, these<br />

will show up during the assessment process. Development theories for the Pacific Island<br />

context must retain the habit of looking at all the consequences of a project before it is<br />

endorsed by governments and other public authorities. The fullest involvement oTfFE local<br />

communily in the implementation staqes is also essenLial. This is the best possible safeguard<br />

against harmf ul environmental effects.<br />

The theoretical framework will also go beyond Lraditional sector-by-sector plans, and<br />

look aL the interacLion across sectors. Since the days of the National Development<br />

Conference, New Zealand has itself moved in this direction. Mmt of the development plans<br />

adopted in the Pacific have been "integrated" in this sense, and some of the work is<br />

recognized as being very sophis[icated. The effectiveness of the theoreticel plan will<br />

however come back to the three elements listed above, namely social impact, development of<br />

human resources, and consenvation of natural resources. These elements will need to be<br />

integrated not only in theory, but also in pnactice.

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