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The si tuation is very different today. Recent decades have seen a drastic revalt.ration<br />
of land resources as a resull, first, of the inlroduction of new crops (or the elevatiorr to<br />
posit.ions of prorninence of formerly minor crops); second, of Lhe change frorn production for<br />
own consurr!f,tion to pnoduction for the market; and following Lhis, third, a change in fhe<br />
criteria for accessibility. There is now much greater variation in the value of one location<br />
against another. Assessing this value, size of island, and distance from new corntnercial nodes<br />
are increasingly importanl.<br />
Joseph Banks's well-known descriplion of the beneficence of the breadfruit in Tahiti is<br />
Lypical of the early assessnents by Europeans of the agricultural resoufces of the Sou[h<br />
Pacific lslands:<br />
"....These happy people whose bread depends not on an annual but on a<br />
Perennial plant have but to climb up and gaLher it ready for baking from a iree<br />
which deep rooted in Lhe Earth seorning equaly the influence of summer heats or<br />
winter nains never fails to produce plenty..." Q9632 J30)<br />
It was this image that was remembered, rather than lhe fact that when Banks made a<br />
circuit of TahiLi, breadfruit was in short zupply and he necorded that he had "not seen ten<br />
ripe mes hanging on the Trees the whole way" (1951: )07). The misconception that lush<br />
vegetation indicated fertile soils suitable for permanent cultivalion, lasted a long time. ln<br />
1875 de Ricci described the "mass of luxuriant tropical foliage" (1875: l) on Kadavu and<br />
claimed ihat "the soil is very fertile, being capable of producing everything that requires a<br />
tropieal climate" (1875: 5). The image was sustained by tracts which sought to a[tract<br />
settlers and, indeed, initial yields of many crops of ten promised more than subsequent<br />
harvests produced. But this view overlooked the fact that swidden cultivation and fire had<br />
removed Lhe forest from large areas in the drier panLs of Fiji, New Caledonia and a number<br />
of lhe Polynesian high islands. The early clearing caused considerable erosion. The fact that<br />
at the time of contact much of this type of land zupported few people - an indicalor of poor<br />
soils - was often overlooked by Europeans who believed grass covered hills betokened good<br />
grazing.<br />
Experience gradually taught European settlers what Lhe islanders already knew - lhe<br />
only soils of the larger, high islands which would sJpport nearly continuous cropping were the<br />
riverside alluvials (where floods and their silt were vital to fertility maintenance, but meant<br />
a high risk of damage), the colluvial soils at lhe base of slopes, cerLain volcanic soils, or lhe<br />
man-made soils of irrigated terraces or raised swamp beds. The "luxuriant tropical foliage"<br />
was a veneer which, if stripped off, laid the soils beneath open to napid degradation. ln<br />
recent decades soil surveys heve revealed and quantified the limited potential of the lands of<br />
Melanesia. AlrnosL 40 per cent of Fiji's land is "considered quite unsuilable for agricultural<br />
development m present knowledgerr (Twyford and Wright, 19652 2L9) - only 19 per cent is<br />
first class arable land. Only 12 percent of the Solomon Islands has "above-average<br />
agricultural poten[iall'(Hansell and Wall, L976t I35). In New Caledonia only 2 per cent of the<br />
area is ttgcod agricultural landr' and I] per cent "good grazing land'r. Fifty per cenI is<br />
t'nediocre A tres mediocre" or suitable only for conservation in a natural state (Latham,<br />
f98f). The hiqh volcanic islands of Polynesia do not have significanLly betLer prospects.<br />
Fifty-me percent of Western Sarnoa is low-to-very-low natural fertility and a further f5<br />
pereenl is too stony for mechanized agriculture (Wright, 196l: 88-89). Only 22 per cent of<br />
RaroLonga and 8 per cent of Mangaia have been clessed es "cJitable for annual and tree<br />
cropsrr with a furlher 9 and 4I per cent r€spectively having potential for tree crops alone<br />
(Grange and Fox, 195]: I0).<br />
The atolls, a narrow strip of sand m a coral platform, rarely rise more than two or<br />
three metres above see level, and generally have no surface water. Plants, and people,<br />
depend m the fresh water which floats in a fragile lens above the salt water permeating the<br />
underlying coral. Drought is a constant risk in those-atolls nearer the equator and many sre<br />
uninhabited because of this. Therefore, Kiribati (now that the Banaba phosphate has been<br />
completely mined), Tuvalu, the Northern Cooks, the Tokelaus, and the Tuamotus - all atoll<br />
regions - have a very impoverished land nesource. On the other hand extensive lagoons and<br />
the reefs are produetive. The atolls often arpport relatively high densities of population<br />
dependent almost entirely on a few crops, artisanel fishing, and now remittances and overseas<br />
aid. The Gilbert Group (with 80 percent of Kiribati's population) had a crude population<br />
denaity of I95 per square kilometre in 1978; Tuvalu 288 in 1980. It ie very doubtful whether<br />
population denailies of this level can be sustained by the agricultural or marine resources of<br />
the atolls et the levels of welfare which their people have come to expect.