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Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat

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Development Report 1996 (World Bank, 1996) divides transition economies<br />

<strong>in</strong>to four stages: Advanced reformers, High-<strong>in</strong>termediate reformers, Low<strong>in</strong>termediate<br />

reformers and Slow reformers.<br />

11.3 Optimism, l<strong>in</strong>earity and reality<br />

Ivo Bićanić 189<br />

These optimistic expectations and l<strong>in</strong>ear <strong>in</strong>terpretations face two k<strong>in</strong>ds<br />

<strong>of</strong> problems when confronted with empirical work. First, when tak<strong>in</strong>g<br />

a wider view they are quite out <strong>of</strong> step with both the historical record<br />

and more recent economic development. Secondly, there is an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g<br />

amount <strong>of</strong> empirical literature on transition<strong>in</strong>g economies which<br />

casts a shadow on both notions.<br />

The historical record shows, beyond any doubt, that generat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Modern Economic Growth is not the rule, and that many economies<br />

have not succeeded <strong>in</strong> achiev<strong>in</strong>g it. From the very beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g, when<br />

Modern Economic Growth emerged <strong>in</strong> Western Europe <strong>in</strong> the late 17th<br />

century, matters were unclear. Economic historians still vehemently discuss<br />

the causes <strong>of</strong> both the <strong>in</strong>dustrial revolution and its location. From a<br />

growth and technology perspective, the case <strong>of</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>a is most <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce a more advanced economy than Europe <strong>in</strong> the 16th and 17th<br />

century never generated growth (see Mokyr, 1990). Look<strong>in</strong>g at more<br />

recent periods we see that the growth track record is mixed. In Europe,<br />

together with the success <strong>of</strong> Germany from the mid 19th century, and<br />

Scand<strong>in</strong>avia <strong>in</strong> the late 19th and early 20th century (see Good, 1994),<br />

there have been notable failures <strong>in</strong> Eastern Europe (see Chirot, 1989 and<br />

Good, 1994) and the Italian and Iberian pen<strong>in</strong>sula (see Tortella, 1994).<br />

On a wider scale, the success <strong>of</strong> the United States from the early 19th<br />

century must be viewed together with the failures <strong>in</strong> Lat<strong>in</strong> America and<br />

South Africa <strong>in</strong> the late 19th and early 20th century (see Lewis, 1978).<br />

The most recent experience <strong>of</strong> post-World War II <strong>in</strong>dicates that growth<br />

does not ‘emanate’ (or seem to ‘trickle down’) from those who are experienc<strong>in</strong>g<br />

it. While Europe was enjoy<strong>in</strong>g its ‘golden age’ <strong>of</strong> convergence<br />

with the United States (see Crafts and Toniolo, 1997), Eastern Europe, <strong>in</strong><br />

spite <strong>of</strong> massive efforts, was not ‘catch<strong>in</strong>g up’, and neither were the less<br />

developed countries <strong>of</strong> Africa and most <strong>of</strong> Asia. Indeed, more recent<br />

measurements show that the <strong>in</strong>equality <strong>of</strong> the world distribution <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>come is not only <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g, but <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly becom<strong>in</strong>g a tw<strong>in</strong> peak<br />

distribution (see Jones, 1997). Furthermore historical experience, rather<br />

than po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g to long periods <strong>of</strong> stable growth, <strong>in</strong>dicates that oscillations<br />

are more common. Periods <strong>of</strong> high growth are replaced by periods<br />

<strong>of</strong> slow growth (see Boltho and Holtham, 1992).

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