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Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat

Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat

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50 Determ<strong>in</strong>ants <strong>of</strong> Income Inequality<br />

terms <strong>of</strong> economic structure, political <strong>in</strong>stitutions, socio-cultural heritage,<br />

or whatever) play an important part <strong>in</strong> determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g exactly<br />

what level <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>equality is to be found at any particular level <strong>of</strong><br />

modernization.<br />

No comprehensive alternative hypothesis regard<strong>in</strong>g determ<strong>in</strong>ants <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>come <strong>in</strong>equality has so far been suggested, however.<br />

It is worth po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g out, <strong>in</strong> light <strong>of</strong> the alternative hypothesis proposed<br />

here, that the Kuznets hypothesis puts at centre stage the role <strong>of</strong> economic<br />

factors, that is, the supply <strong>of</strong>, and demand for, various factors <strong>of</strong><br />

production. 5 The forces <strong>of</strong> economic development determ<strong>in</strong>e the shape<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>come distribution. Societies do not choose the <strong>in</strong>come distribution<br />

that they would like to have. The process is led by <strong>in</strong>exorable economic<br />

forces, and deviations from the <strong>in</strong>come distribution that a country must<br />

have at a certa<strong>in</strong> level <strong>of</strong> development are small and non-systematic.<br />

4.3 A new hypothesis<br />

Here I propose an ‘augmented’ Kuznets’ hypothesis. I argue that<br />

<strong>in</strong>come-size distribution is determ<strong>in</strong>ed (1) by a factor that is <strong>in</strong> the<br />

short-run, from the po<strong>in</strong>t <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> policy makers or society as a whole,<br />

‘given’; and (2) by social (or public policy) choice. The given factor is<br />

the level <strong>of</strong> development measured by <strong>in</strong>come (GDP) per capita. The<br />

public policy factors are (1) the percentage <strong>of</strong> workers employed <strong>in</strong> the<br />

state and para-statal sectors; and (2) the extent <strong>of</strong> government transfers,<br />

measured as a share <strong>of</strong> a country’s GDP. These two factors are the<br />

products <strong>of</strong> political decisions, both current and past (for example, a<br />

country might have a large state sector because <strong>of</strong> a strong past <strong>in</strong>fluence<br />

<strong>of</strong> socialist parties). In the empirical section that follows, I will<br />

address two key questions: (1) Are social choice factors statistically significant<br />

‘explanators’ <strong>of</strong> cross-country <strong>in</strong>come <strong>in</strong>equality; and (2) if so,<br />

how large is their <strong>in</strong>fluence?<br />

Our hypothesis says that, once <strong>in</strong>come is ‘accounted for’, there is still<br />

sizeable discretion regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>come <strong>in</strong>equality. Income distribution is<br />

viewed also as the product <strong>of</strong> social choices mediated through elections,<br />

lobby<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> various social groups, societal preferences or historical<br />

developments. Thus, some countries may have a greater proportion<br />

<strong>of</strong> state-sector workers because socialist or Communist parties were historically<br />

stronger; or the population may have a high preference for<br />

eradicat<strong>in</strong>g poverty and redistribut<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>come through transfers; or<br />

the middle classes which decisively determ<strong>in</strong>e the size <strong>of</strong> transfers <strong>in</strong>

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