Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat
Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat
Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat
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First, people object to severe deprivation, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g people’s lack <strong>of</strong><br />
access to an adequate diet, health care, and personal and economic<br />
security, particularly when the rectification <strong>of</strong> these lacks would not be<br />
unduly costly to others.<br />
Secondly, unfair treatment, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g discrim<strong>in</strong>ation by race, gender,<br />
religion and sexual preference, as well as some forms <strong>of</strong> privilege transmitted<br />
from generation to generation, excite widespread condemnation.<br />
Thirdly, socially contrived <strong>in</strong>equality that deprives people <strong>of</strong> dignity<br />
and the capacity to pursue full lives is generally seen as reprehensible.<br />
Displac<strong>in</strong>g the target <strong>of</strong> egalitarianism from <strong>in</strong>come to more fundamental<br />
determ<strong>in</strong>ants <strong>of</strong> dignity and well-be<strong>in</strong>g does not reduce the<br />
importance <strong>of</strong> economics <strong>in</strong> the pursuit <strong>of</strong> a more just society. But it<br />
does make clear that forms <strong>of</strong> egalitarianism which provide a basis for<br />
personal autonomy and effective voice <strong>in</strong> shap<strong>in</strong>g one’s life trajectory<br />
should be given priority. We believe that the asset-based strategy we<br />
have outl<strong>in</strong>ed does just this.<br />
A second implication <strong>of</strong> the above is that the necessity to conta<strong>in</strong><br />
costs <strong>of</strong> pursu<strong>in</strong>g egalitarian strategies is not simply an unfortunate<br />
constra<strong>in</strong>t imposed by the veto power <strong>of</strong> the well-to-do. Costs<br />
imposed on others affect the political viability <strong>of</strong> egalitarian programs<br />
<strong>in</strong> a democratic society because, for wholly defensible reasons, people’s<br />
concerns are not limited to the well-be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the least well <strong>of</strong>f.<br />
Egalitarian policy must therefore be based on the will<strong>in</strong>gness <strong>of</strong> nonwealthy<br />
citizens to support policies that redistribute <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong> the<br />
less well <strong>of</strong>f among themselves.<br />
The poor show<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> egalitarian projects <strong>in</strong> recent years has conv<strong>in</strong>ced<br />
many that it is naive to expect support to be forthcom<strong>in</strong>g from<br />
a selfish and <strong>in</strong>different electorate. This pessimism is fundamentally<br />
misdirected, however. It misunderstands the reasons for opposition to<br />
egalitarian programs, and it underestimates the ability <strong>of</strong> egalitarians to<br />
design redistributive programs capable <strong>of</strong> evok<strong>in</strong>g deeply-rooted<br />
human commitments to justice. Unlike many who suspect that the<br />
basis for an egalitarian movement collapsed with the demise <strong>of</strong> socialism,<br />
we discover a solid foundation for cooperation and shar<strong>in</strong>g at the<br />
root <strong>of</strong> human motivation.<br />
3.3 Homo reciprocans: the motivational<br />
basis <strong>of</strong> susta<strong>in</strong>able redistribution<br />
Samuel Bowles and Herbert G<strong>in</strong>tis 33<br />
The modern welfare state is but a s<strong>in</strong>gle example <strong>of</strong> a ubiquitous social<br />
form. Shar<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions, rang<strong>in</strong>g from families, extended gift giv<strong>in</strong>g,