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Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat

Equality, Participation, Transition: Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat

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First, people object to severe deprivation, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g people’s lack <strong>of</strong><br />

access to an adequate diet, health care, and personal and economic<br />

security, particularly when the rectification <strong>of</strong> these lacks would not be<br />

unduly costly to others.<br />

Secondly, unfair treatment, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g discrim<strong>in</strong>ation by race, gender,<br />

religion and sexual preference, as well as some forms <strong>of</strong> privilege transmitted<br />

from generation to generation, excite widespread condemnation.<br />

Thirdly, socially contrived <strong>in</strong>equality that deprives people <strong>of</strong> dignity<br />

and the capacity to pursue full lives is generally seen as reprehensible.<br />

Displac<strong>in</strong>g the target <strong>of</strong> egalitarianism from <strong>in</strong>come to more fundamental<br />

determ<strong>in</strong>ants <strong>of</strong> dignity and well-be<strong>in</strong>g does not reduce the<br />

importance <strong>of</strong> economics <strong>in</strong> the pursuit <strong>of</strong> a more just society. But it<br />

does make clear that forms <strong>of</strong> egalitarianism which provide a basis for<br />

personal autonomy and effective voice <strong>in</strong> shap<strong>in</strong>g one’s life trajectory<br />

should be given priority. We believe that the asset-based strategy we<br />

have outl<strong>in</strong>ed does just this.<br />

A second implication <strong>of</strong> the above is that the necessity to conta<strong>in</strong><br />

costs <strong>of</strong> pursu<strong>in</strong>g egalitarian strategies is not simply an unfortunate<br />

constra<strong>in</strong>t imposed by the veto power <strong>of</strong> the well-to-do. Costs<br />

imposed on others affect the political viability <strong>of</strong> egalitarian programs<br />

<strong>in</strong> a democratic society because, for wholly defensible reasons, people’s<br />

concerns are not limited to the well-be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the least well <strong>of</strong>f.<br />

Egalitarian policy must therefore be based on the will<strong>in</strong>gness <strong>of</strong> nonwealthy<br />

citizens to support policies that redistribute <strong>in</strong> favour <strong>of</strong> the<br />

less well <strong>of</strong>f among themselves.<br />

The poor show<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> egalitarian projects <strong>in</strong> recent years has conv<strong>in</strong>ced<br />

many that it is naive to expect support to be forthcom<strong>in</strong>g from<br />

a selfish and <strong>in</strong>different electorate. This pessimism is fundamentally<br />

misdirected, however. It misunderstands the reasons for opposition to<br />

egalitarian programs, and it underestimates the ability <strong>of</strong> egalitarians to<br />

design redistributive programs capable <strong>of</strong> evok<strong>in</strong>g deeply-rooted<br />

human commitments to justice. Unlike many who suspect that the<br />

basis for an egalitarian movement collapsed with the demise <strong>of</strong> socialism,<br />

we discover a solid foundation for cooperation and shar<strong>in</strong>g at the<br />

root <strong>of</strong> human motivation.<br />

3.3 Homo reciprocans: the motivational<br />

basis <strong>of</strong> susta<strong>in</strong>able redistribution<br />

Samuel Bowles and Herbert G<strong>in</strong>tis 33<br />

The modern welfare state is but a s<strong>in</strong>gle example <strong>of</strong> a ubiquitous social<br />

form. Shar<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions, rang<strong>in</strong>g from families, extended gift giv<strong>in</strong>g,

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