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OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University

OPINION Vol.1, No.1 June 2013 - National Defence University

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or the establishment of stability at lower force levels will remain an elusive objective. Absence of such<br />

institutional mechanisms prevents initiation of timely steps to defuse deteriorating situations.<br />

Pattern of Crisis Management<br />

Indo-Pakistan crises appear to escalate uncontrollably towards potential catastrophe and leadership<br />

of both countries tends to avoid decisions and eagerly awaits external intervention. Both states seek to<br />

achieve their ends without war – Pakistan because it might lose and India because it might not win 16 . The<br />

leadership of both countries have shown great sensitivity to the loss of face to their public, hence fervently<br />

hopes for and willingly accepts third party intervention to extricate them from their predicament which is<br />

reflective of the operation of independence – dependence paradox.<br />

Prospects of a Limited War<br />

Ironically, Indians are not prepared to reconcile with the bitter reality that nuclear weapons have<br />

eliminated the space available to India for translating its superiority in conventional arms into political<br />

advantage as Pakistan has effectively been immunized from any reprisals by larger conventional forces of<br />

India. Moreover, in an action – reaction mode of the crisis, which has generally been the tradition in the<br />

past, both sides quickly climb up the escalation ladder and their respective attempts to dominate the<br />

escalation may result into the whole process spinning out of control. From the perspective of escalation<br />

control, moreover, “There will be pressure on the losing side to expand the war in order to reverse the<br />

battlefield decision and pressure on the winning side to further improve its war termination conditions and<br />

hence military operations.” However, experience of Kargil will continue to haunt the military planners of<br />

both countries regarding the existence or otherwise of space for a limited war between the two under<br />

nuclear overhang.<br />

Role of United States in Escalation Control/Crisis Management<br />

The Indo – Pakistan crises saw incremental involvement of US which may instil a wrong<br />

inspiration in the leadership of both countries that they can provoke and escalate such crises to gain<br />

political advantage, since the United States and the international community, in pursuit of their strategic<br />

interests, would not allow the matters to spin out of control. How these crises would have turned out if US<br />

had not intervened is a meaningful question to be asked. The active involvement of US in the region has<br />

given rise to many paradoxes. The nuclear policies of both India and Pakistan now suffer from<br />

independence – dependence paradox while the deterrence equation in South Asia now implicitly depends<br />

on US intervention – a country which both fear in terms of potential threat to their nuclear programmes 17 .<br />

Both India and Pakistan tried to use US to advance their respective interests and by doing so, in fact ended<br />

up mortgaging their freedom of action to the whims of American policymakers who were pursuing their<br />

own agenda. On the whole, the American role has been critical in achieving escalation control during Indo-<br />

Pakistan crises, which is likely to continue in future as well at least till the physical presence of its forces in<br />

the region.<br />

Cold Start Doctrine<br />

Indian Cold Start doctrine, unveiled in April 2004, is designed to position the Indian Army to<br />

conduct limited war against Pakistan, allowing swift retaliation before Pakistan could prepare militarily<br />

and before outsiders could intervene diplomatically. The Cold Start doctrine is plagued with a number of<br />

problems and begs a multitude of questions. How the political, geographical and force related objectives<br />

would be kept limited and limitations so imposed will be respected by the adversary. How in a limited war,<br />

the losing side can be expected to tailor his response strictly in accordance with the tenets of the concept<br />

and refrain from escalating the conflict How a nuclear state like Pakistan can be expected to face a<br />

conventional defeat and the likely destruction of the state indifferently and not resort to the use of ultimate<br />

weapons which it painstakingly developed and maintained to render security to the state These and many<br />

other relevant questions put a big question mark on the Cold Start Doctrine leading to a limited war under<br />

nuclear overhang.<br />

Coercive Diplomacy<br />

India twice backed away from initiating the hostilities during Operation Parakram by taking refuge<br />

behind US dissuasive efforts to cover its weak resolve. Indian leadership also learnt a bitter lesson that<br />

between nuclear rivals, coercive diplomacy, military threats and nuclear brinkmanship produce limited<br />

results and coercion, as a strategy, has its obvious limits. However, a few strategists in India still believe<br />

that under nuclear shadow, a limited, controlled conflict using high – technology long range surgical<br />

<strong>OPINION</strong> <strong>Vol.1</strong> <strong>No.1</strong> 111 <strong>June</strong> <strong>2013</strong>

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