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Capoeira: The History of an Afro-Brazilian Martial Art

Capoeira: The History of an Afro-Brazilian Martial Art

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52 THE CONTEXT OF THE BLACK ATLANTIC<br />

Once the music has taken hold <strong>of</strong> the crowd, a fighter will enter the circle <strong>an</strong>d raise his open h<strong>an</strong>ds<br />

above his head as a challenge to the present. Another fighter, normally one who feels he is close to or<br />

above the skill <strong>of</strong> the challenger, will enter the circle with d<strong>an</strong>ce-like steps <strong>an</strong>d raise his open h<strong>an</strong>ds,<br />

palms forward, demonstrating his guard. […] Once partnered <strong>of</strong>f the two fighters will attempt to slap<br />

each other in the face or body while dodging <strong>an</strong>d blocking to keep the rival’s blows from reaching<br />

their target. <strong>The</strong> encounter <strong>of</strong>ten turns into a hailstorm <strong>of</strong> attempted blows <strong>an</strong>d normally ends when<br />

one person l<strong>an</strong>ds a blow cle<strong>an</strong> enough to dissuade his rival from continuing. 100<br />

<strong>The</strong> k<strong>an</strong>deka matches eventually end up in wrestling, with one fighter throwing the other to the ground.<br />

According to Desch-Obi’s inform<strong>an</strong>ts, this is frowned upon in m<strong>an</strong>y B<strong>an</strong>gala groups <strong>an</strong>d considered ‘poor<br />

form’. It is worth noting that a related form called onh<strong>an</strong>deka was observed among B<strong>an</strong>tu groups in<br />

Namibia visited by Edwin Loeb during the 1940s. Yet among the Ku<strong>an</strong>yama, onh<strong>an</strong>deka consisted <strong>of</strong><br />

knobkerrie stick fighting <strong>an</strong>d was referred to as a former war d<strong>an</strong>ce—it had no relation to the puberty<br />

ceremonies (efundula) as would be suggested by the existence <strong>of</strong> a wider ‘B<strong>an</strong>tu pugilistic tradition’.<br />

Although Loeb describes two other forms <strong>of</strong> wrestling, he does not mention <strong>an</strong>y kicking or head butting, which<br />

again shows how different fighting techniques could be associated with the same ceremony in related<br />

Western B<strong>an</strong>tu societies. 101<br />

According to Desch-Obi, the engolo takes place not only during the female <strong>an</strong>d male puberty rites but<br />

also during other festivals <strong>an</strong>d today also when well-known fighters from other regions are visiting <strong>an</strong> area.<br />

He highlights that engolo is more d<strong>an</strong>gerous th<strong>an</strong> k<strong>an</strong>deka, <strong>an</strong>d for that reason ‘even the most experienced<br />

fighters will only enter the engolo circle after drinking a subst<strong>an</strong>tial amount <strong>of</strong> makau (traditional fermented<br />

beer made from sprouting sorghum) to bolster their confidence’. He describes a match as follows:<br />

<strong>The</strong> music begins with clapping <strong>an</strong>d a rhythmic humming that c<strong>an</strong> take the place <strong>of</strong> a response in the<br />

call-<strong>an</strong>d-response songs that someone will begin to sing. Soon after the m<strong>an</strong>tra-like song <strong>an</strong>d<br />

humming has fully formed, with a shout a practitioner will enter the circle d<strong>an</strong>cing <strong>an</strong>d <strong>of</strong>ten shouting<br />

again to accentuate the techniques he begins to demonstrate. When a contender joins the challenger in<br />

the circle the two will continue to d<strong>an</strong>ce to the music as they square <strong>of</strong>f <strong>an</strong>d one adept will launch a<br />

kick or sweep at the other. This attack will be defended by dodging or ‘blending’ in such a way that will<br />

then allow the defender to launch a smooth counter-attack. <strong>The</strong> two will continue in a cycle <strong>of</strong><br />

attacks, defenses, <strong>an</strong>d counter-attacks in a smooth continuous flow. 102<br />

Desch-Obi also highlights that blocks are not used to avoid kicks, but rather acrobatic evasions. According<br />

to him trickery <strong>an</strong>d cunning are central to contemporary engolo (as it is in capoeira). <strong>The</strong>re are thus some<br />

import<strong>an</strong>t similarities with respect to basic capoeira movements <strong>an</strong>d the roda (see Chapter 4), which have to<br />

be acknowledged. Yet we also need to look beyond formal resembl<strong>an</strong>ces <strong>an</strong>d enquire about social contexts<br />

<strong>an</strong>d cultural me<strong>an</strong>ings. Desch-Obi asserts that wrestling did not exist as a social institution among the<br />

Ovimbundu <strong>an</strong>d ‘B<strong>an</strong>gala’ (Ny<strong>an</strong>eka), but that striking arts such as k<strong>an</strong>deka <strong>an</strong>d the engolo (n’golo) <strong>an</strong>d its<br />

cognates were <strong>an</strong>d are widely practised instead; <strong>an</strong>d that related arts existed in the Kongo area. 103 This<br />

allows him to construct engolo as the domin<strong>an</strong>t B<strong>an</strong>tu pugilistic tradition from which supposedly<br />

capoeira derived.<br />

Following Neves e Souza, Desch-Obi maintains that rites <strong>of</strong> passage (the female efico or efundula <strong>an</strong>d the<br />

male ekwendje or et<strong>an</strong>da) remain the main occasion for engolo. He furthermore asserts that ‘the engolo also<br />

contradicts m<strong>an</strong>y <strong>of</strong> the pastoral socio-religious ideals’ which supposedly do not apply in the circle where<br />

the art is performed. He sees that as evidence that engolo is linked to the warrior codes <strong>of</strong> the former

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