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Human Dignity and Bioethics

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480 | Daniel P. Sulmasy, O.F.M.<br />

by pain, <strong>and</strong> most of us also know undignified human beings who<br />

have spent their whole lives in the pursuit of pleasure. Basing morality<br />

squarely on a balance between pleasure <strong>and</strong> pain has seemed,<br />

since the time of Aristotle, to be an anemic account of morality <strong>and</strong><br />

human dignity, <strong>and</strong> one that most people would reject. 22<br />

Second, some might think that Hobbes was right—that human<br />

dignity depends upon one’s market price. But there are problems with<br />

such a conception of human dignity. The unemployed, the severely<br />

h<strong>and</strong>icapped, the mentally ill, <strong>and</strong> all others who cannot contribute<br />

to the economic well-being of society would then have no dignity.<br />

Yet our society has gone to great lengths to recognize the dignity of<br />

such persons. If we did not believe that human dignity remains even<br />

if people are disabled <strong>and</strong> lose their economic value to society, then<br />

we would not be making access ramps for them. This Hobbesian<br />

conception of dignity seems inconsistent with some of our most basic<br />

moral <strong>and</strong> social views.<br />

Third, some might think that human dignity depends upon the<br />

active exercise of freedom. <strong>Dignity</strong>, on this view, is the value we give<br />

to entities that actively express a capacity for rational choice. But this<br />

view is also hard to sustain consistently. One would have to hold that<br />

those who have lost control of certain human functions, or have lost<br />

or never had the freedom to make choices, have lost or have never<br />

had dignity. This would mean that infants, the retarded, the severely<br />

mentally ill, prisoners, the comatose, <strong>and</strong> perhaps even the sleeping<br />

would have no human dignity. This seems obviously wrong.<br />

Now some might suggest that these are “straw man” arguments.<br />

What counts, they would aver, is the possibility of exercising control<br />

<strong>and</strong> freedom, not the actual exercise of control <strong>and</strong> freedom. One<br />

might suggest that some individuals without full control <strong>and</strong> freedom<br />

nevertheless deserve to be treated with dignity either because<br />

they have a potential for exercising such a capacity (so that children,<br />

for instance, come to be regarded as placeholders for actual persons<br />

with dignity), or they have a history of having exercised such a capacity<br />

(so that the demented, for instance, come to be regarded as<br />

remnants of persons with dignity). 23 But these arguments are quite<br />

tenuous. Who would feel dignified <strong>and</strong> secure as a placeholder or<br />

a remnant? Further, these arguments still cannot answer why those<br />

who never could <strong>and</strong> never will make free, rational choices (such as

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