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48 STARTING POINTS<br />

trajectory (Strauss et al. 1985). A core feature of this work is that it is a social,<br />

collective process. Only rarely do individual health care professionals determine<br />

the management of a specific patient trajectory on their own: ‘how to intervene’<br />

is decided in formal meetings, at random encounters in the hallway, and in the<br />

continuous flow of phone conversations. Even in the case of an individually<br />

operating general physician, a home care nurse or a medical specialist, the<br />

intervention is decided in interaction with the patient and—through the patient<br />

record, letters or immediate contacts—with colleagues and other care<br />

professionals. Seldomly, a patient’s trajectory is decided on the basis of<br />

individual contacts or consultations alone. In particular in the case of chronic or<br />

complicated medical complaints, the course of the trajectory may constantly be<br />

changed or adjusted from various sides. The final minutes of the terminal patient<br />

described above take shape in part in the interaction between various nurses, the<br />

ward physician, and the patient’s relatives.<br />

The interactions continually cross professional boundaries. Also, not one of the<br />

individuals involved has full control of how exactly one event is followed by the<br />

next, or how, in other words, the trajectory unfolds. This is equally true of the<br />

way the decision process is shaped in the first case study. The brief dialogue<br />

between John, the nurse, and Agnes, the supervising physician, is characteristic<br />

of the way in which health care professionals function in hospital departments.<br />

John proposes to check the basics only, to which Agnes readily agrees, and she<br />

takes his suggestion one step further by deciding to also cancel the ECG and the<br />

x-ray. Frequently, decisions are the outcome of formal meetings, written<br />

communications or brief verbal exchanges. As such, ‘decisions are collective<br />

acts, not individual acts’ (Anspach 1993).<br />

In these interactions, a broad range of considerations can play a role. The<br />

management of patient trajectories is not only moulded by medical concerns:<br />

trajectories and decisions ‘are shaped by the social context in which they are<br />

made’ (ibid.). This seems evident in terminal cases; typically, in such situations<br />

social considerations are given priority over medical ones. In order to make it<br />

possible for the patient to die in a dignified manner, for instance, no new<br />

infusions or other interventions were ordered. Yet it is important to underline<br />

that concerns about the preferences or desires of the patient or the opinions of<br />

relevant colleagues constitute an important component of health care work in<br />

general, as is true of economic considerations or issues related to workload or<br />

organizational priorities. Such considerations are not ‘secondary to’ or a ‘bias in’<br />

the interventions of physicians and nurses: they are part and parcel of the work<br />

of health care professionals. They are, then, constitutive of the patient trajectory,<br />

as much as the medical/ nursing information and the professional decision<br />

criteria. The suggestion of John, which resulted in a departure from the standard<br />

admission protocol, can only be understood in terms of the need to save costs, a<br />

concern for avoiding unnecessary work, or the consideration not to burden the<br />

patient with inessential interventions. And the actions of Agnes and John can<br />

only be explained in light of the fact that both are seen as experienced

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