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52 STARTING POINTS<br />

forth), help to link their activities without the need for ‘face-to-face’ or real-time<br />

interaction.<br />

These forms link their worktasks by making clear who is responsible for what<br />

and when, and by indicating when one actor has done something and when<br />

another’s action is requested. Rather than having to arrange by him/herself that a<br />

series of examinations (blood tests, x-rays) is performed on a patient, a doctor<br />

can simply write these requests on examination-request forms. More often than<br />

not, these forms not only play a vital role in getting the right request to the right<br />

department (and getting the result back to the right patient!): by providing<br />

automatic copies (already carrying the appropriate codes) for the financial<br />

departments, the doctors’ work is automatically coordinated with billing<br />

activities as well. Through devices as simple as check lists and structured forms,<br />

then, doctors’ activities are coordinated with each other, with other health care<br />

professionals and with supporting services without the need for any explicit<br />

coordination work by any of these actors.<br />

The patient record is a ‘reiterative, cumulative manuscript’ (Hunter 1991):<br />

medical professionals constantly produce new summaries of their progression<br />

reports, in which they condense the details of the previous trajectory in a few,<br />

brief sentences. These sentences follow the standard narrative patterns as well.<br />

From the perspective of the current situation, they represent the relevant<br />

elements of the pre-history in a logical sequence. A series of blood pressure<br />

measurements is summarized as ‘stable blood pressure’, the complex situation of<br />

Mrs. Meijer is concluded by prescribing Seresta and more Seroxat, and the brief<br />

conversation between John and Agnes on their handling of the protocol will<br />

never end up explicitly in the patient record at all. Later on, such summaries,<br />

conclusions and silences are condensed once more in new letters and notes,<br />

whereby the recorded patient trajectory is rearranged on the basis of the new<br />

situation.<br />

These observations seem to underscore Bleich’s harsh criticism of the status<br />

of patient records: medical professionals leave out details, rewrite events, and<br />

rearrange linear chronologies. This criticism, however, starts from the<br />

assumption that patient records must be carbon copies of patient trajectories. Yet<br />

when the production of medical notes and data is understood as part of the<br />

management of a patient trajectory, rather than as the reporting of this work, it<br />

becomes clear that it is very useful to describe patient trajectories in terms of<br />

established narrative patterns. The reductions, summaries, simplifications and<br />

standardizations found in the accounts of individual patient trajectories are<br />

‘needed to produce an account ordered enough to enable action or to<br />

communicate what is going on’ (Gooding 1992). In such accounts, all that<br />

appears to have little or no importance for colleagues is discarded, highlighting<br />

only those details that are believed to be relevant.<br />

This reconsideration of the role of the patient record leads us to a revaluation<br />

of the merits of the paper patient record. Advocates of EPRs, as we have seen,<br />

are generally depreciative of paper records, yet in the eyes of experienced

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