48Bringing the Empire Back InAREA: 4TYPE: TheoryRegresar al imperioTrazer <strong>de</strong> volta o impérioauthorJosep M.Colomer1Departamento<strong>de</strong> Economíay EmpresaUniversitatPompeu Fabra,España.josep.colomer@upf.edu1. CorrespondingAuthor: UniversitatPompeu Fabra.Departamento <strong>de</strong> Economíay Empresa.Edificio Jaume IRamon Trias Fargas,25-27.08005-Barcelona(España).I propose that the classical analytical category of ‘empire’, as opposed to ‘state’ and other politicalforms, can account for a large number of historical and current experiences, including the UnitedStates of America, the European Union, Russia and China. An ‘empire’ can be conceived, incontrast to a ‘state’, as a very large size polity with a government formed by multiple institutionallevels, overlapping jurisdictions and diverse formulas across the territory. According to theAmerican experience and the most recent European one, the building of military and commerciallarge ‘empires’ can be a favorable formula for stability and progress in other areas of the worldthat have been subject to never-ending processes of trial and error in the art of building nationstates.Propongo que la categoría analítica clásica <strong>de</strong> «imperio» en contraposición al «estado» y otras formas políticas, pue<strong>de</strong>explicar un gran número <strong>de</strong> experiencias históricas y actuales, incluidos los Estados Unidos <strong>de</strong> América, la UniónEuropea, Rusia o China. Un «imperio» pue<strong>de</strong> concebirse, en contraposición a un «estado», como un régimen <strong>de</strong> gran<strong>de</strong>sdimensiones con un gobierno formado por diversos niveles institucionales, jurisdicciones solapadas y diversas fórmulasa lo largo <strong>de</strong>l territorio. Según la experiencia norteamericana y, más recientemente, la europea, la creación <strong>de</strong> gran<strong>de</strong>s«imperios» militares y comerciales pue<strong>de</strong> favorecer la estabilidad y el progreso en otras regiones <strong>de</strong>l mundo que, <strong>de</strong> no serasí, estarían sometidas a interminables procesos <strong>de</strong> ensayo y error en el arte <strong>de</strong> construir estados-nación.Advogo que a categoria analítica clássica <strong>de</strong> «império», em oposição a «estado» e outras formas políticas, po<strong>de</strong> explicarum gran<strong>de</strong> número <strong>de</strong> experiências históricas e actuais, incluindo os Estados Unidos da América, a União Europeia, aRússia e a China. Um «império» po<strong>de</strong> ser concebido, em contraste com um «estado», como um regime <strong>de</strong> dimensão muitoampla com um governo formado por diversos níveis institucionais, sobrepondo jurisdições e fórmulas diversas ao longodo território. Segundo a experiência americana e a mais recente experiência europeia, a construção <strong>de</strong> gran<strong>de</strong>s «impérios»militares e comerciais po<strong>de</strong> ser uma fórmula favorável para a estabilida<strong>de</strong> e progresso noutras áreas do mundo queestiveram submetidas a processos intermináveis <strong>de</strong> tentativa e erro na arte da construção <strong>de</strong> Estados-nação.1. The EmpireDOI10.3232/<strong>GCG</strong>.<strong>2008</strong>.V2.N1.04‘Empire’ is a classical category in the study of politics that has been neglected or even<strong>de</strong>ri<strong>de</strong>d for several <strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong>s. The current world, however, is organized in a number ofvery large size political units that may fit a simple and exclusionary <strong>de</strong>finition of empire.Among the current cases to be consi<strong>de</strong>red for inclusion in this historical and analyticalcategory there are the United States of America, the European Union, Russia and China.As this very short list already suggests, an empire can be <strong>de</strong>mocratic or dictatorial, aswell as a mixed regime, and it can be in expansion or in contraction, as has happened<strong>GCG</strong> GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY - UNIVERSIA <strong>2008</strong> VOL. 2 NUM. 1 ISSN: 1988-7116
with a number of empires in other historical periods. The <strong>de</strong>mocratic or authoritariancharacter of the government and the stability of its territorial boundaries are not, thus,essential elements of the concept of ‘empire’.An empire can be conceived as a very large size polity with a government formed bymultiple institutional levels and overlapping jurisdictions. In this sense, ‘empire’ is analternative formula to ‘state’, which can also be dictatorial or <strong>de</strong>mocratic or something inbetween, but is foun<strong>de</strong>d on fixed boundaries, external sovereignty and the aim of internalhomogenization. Empires typically encompass a high number of small political units, includingstates, but also regions, cities and other communities, with different institutionalformulas across the territory. The present flourishing of an increasing number of smallsizepolitical communities organized with different formulas in all parts of the world is theother si<strong>de</strong> of the prevalence of a few very large empires.In contrast to the potential fruitfulness of the analytical category of ‘empire’, ‘state’ is acategory that has become <strong>de</strong>creasingly able to account for many collective processesand <strong>de</strong>cisions in the current world. Yet political science is strongly state-centered. In thisarticle I suggest that political studies could take benefit from a more diversified categorizationof polities or structures of governments --by distinguishing empires, states andsmall communities-- in or<strong>de</strong>r to study traditional subjects such as political institutions,public agenda setting, voting and elections, the working of assemblies and councils, foreignpolicy, international relations and international organizations.2. From ‘State’ to ‘Empire’About a generation ago, a claim was ma<strong>de</strong> to “bring the state back in” the social sciences,as in Evans, Rueschmeyer and Skocpol (1985) and, especially, Skocpol (1985). Thisclaim was initially addressed to correct “too society-centered” ways of explaining politicsand governmental processes that had prevailed during a previous period starting in the1950s and 1960s. Bringing the ‘state’ back in brought about much more attention toformal rules and institutions, governmental activities, and the impact of authorities onsocietal processes, including economic interests and social movements. New knowledgeand science have in<strong>de</strong>ed <strong>de</strong>veloped from that impulse and the subsequent turn inmethodological approaches.However, in a number of further scholarly studies, the ‘state’ was conceived not only asan institutional and organizational structure for different actor’s strategies and <strong>de</strong>cisions,but as a unitary actor, especially in the field of international or transnational relations. The“explanatory centrality” given to the state as a potent and autonomous actor somehowneglected the role of both larger and smaller political units, especially as the scale of politicshas been changing during the most recent period.The promoters of the newly “state-centered” approach remarked that it <strong>de</strong>rived in partfrom analytical <strong>de</strong>velopments and problems in previous “society-centered” approaches,since the explanation of many societal processes required to ascertain the impact of theKey wordsPoliticalScience, State,Empire, PublicPolicy, nationstate.PalabrasclaveCiencia política,Estado, Imperio,Política pública,Estado-naciónPalavraschaveCiência política,Estado, Império,Política pública,Estado-naçãoJEL Co<strong>de</strong>sP500; N460;O54049<strong>GCG</strong> GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY - UNIVERSIA <strong>2008</strong> VOL. 2 NUM. 1 ISSN: 1988-7116
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Francesco D. SandulliBibliografía1