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2008 Vol. 2 Num. 1 - GCG: Revista de Globalización, Competitividad ...

2008 Vol. 2 Num. 1 - GCG: Revista de Globalización, Competitividad ...

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with a number of empires in other historical periods. The <strong>de</strong>mocratic or authoritariancharacter of the government and the stability of its territorial boundaries are not, thus,essential elements of the concept of ‘empire’.An empire can be conceived as a very large size polity with a government formed bymultiple institutional levels and overlapping jurisdictions. In this sense, ‘empire’ is analternative formula to ‘state’, which can also be dictatorial or <strong>de</strong>mocratic or something inbetween, but is foun<strong>de</strong>d on fixed boundaries, external sovereignty and the aim of internalhomogenization. Empires typically encompass a high number of small political units, includingstates, but also regions, cities and other communities, with different institutionalformulas across the territory. The present flourishing of an increasing number of smallsizepolitical communities organized with different formulas in all parts of the world is theother si<strong>de</strong> of the prevalence of a few very large empires.In contrast to the potential fruitfulness of the analytical category of ‘empire’, ‘state’ is acategory that has become <strong>de</strong>creasingly able to account for many collective processesand <strong>de</strong>cisions in the current world. Yet political science is strongly state-centered. In thisarticle I suggest that political studies could take benefit from a more diversified categorizationof polities or structures of governments --by distinguishing empires, states andsmall communities-- in or<strong>de</strong>r to study traditional subjects such as political institutions,public agenda setting, voting and elections, the working of assemblies and councils, foreignpolicy, international relations and international organizations.2. From ‘State’ to ‘Empire’About a generation ago, a claim was ma<strong>de</strong> to “bring the state back in” the social sciences,as in Evans, Rueschmeyer and Skocpol (1985) and, especially, Skocpol (1985). Thisclaim was initially addressed to correct “too society-centered” ways of explaining politicsand governmental processes that had prevailed during a previous period starting in the1950s and 1960s. Bringing the ‘state’ back in brought about much more attention toformal rules and institutions, governmental activities, and the impact of authorities onsocietal processes, including economic interests and social movements. New knowledgeand science have in<strong>de</strong>ed <strong>de</strong>veloped from that impulse and the subsequent turn inmethodological approaches.However, in a number of further scholarly studies, the ‘state’ was conceived not only asan institutional and organizational structure for different actor’s strategies and <strong>de</strong>cisions,but as a unitary actor, especially in the field of international or transnational relations. The“explanatory centrality” given to the state as a potent and autonomous actor somehowneglected the role of both larger and smaller political units, especially as the scale of politicshas been changing during the most recent period.The promoters of the newly “state-centered” approach remarked that it <strong>de</strong>rived in partfrom analytical <strong>de</strong>velopments and problems in previous “society-centered” approaches,since the explanation of many societal processes required to ascertain the impact of theKey wordsPoliticalScience, State,Empire, PublicPolicy, nationstate.PalabrasclaveCiencia política,Estado, Imperio,Política pública,Estado-naciónPalavraschaveCiência política,Estado, Império,Política pública,Estado-naçãoJEL Co<strong>de</strong>sP500; N460;O54049<strong>GCG</strong> GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY - UNIVERSIA <strong>2008</strong> VOL. 2 NUM. 1 ISSN: 1988-7116

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