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STREET ARTISTS IN EUROPE - Fondazione Fitzcarraldo

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ANNEX 2 - SECTION C:<br />

POLITICAL AND <strong>IN</strong>TELLECTUAL RECOGNITION<br />

115<br />

Street Artists in Europe<br />

Contribution from the Centre de Recherche sur la Culture, les Musées et la Diffusion des savoirs<br />

(CRCMD – Laetitia Di Gioia under the supervision of Serge Chaumier) – January 2007 – as part<br />

of the study on ‘Street Artists in Europe’.<br />

1. The concept of cultural policy<br />

1.1. The problem of definition<br />

The idea of a public policy on culture is a recent one and raises some difficulties relating, firstly,<br />

to the ‘cumulative concept offered by the anthropological approach (…), and the ambiguity of<br />

the concept itself’ 136 ; which makes it ‘difficult to define and demarcate the actual domain that<br />

public action should cover’ 137 Secondly, culture as an object of policy comes up against the<br />

problem of legitimacy in regard to the social actors involved, unlike education or health. In fact,<br />

‘the question of the autonomy of artistic and cultural creation was in part directed against the<br />

state 138 .’ Its protection then leads to circumscribing the establishment of a cultural policy. We<br />

must therefore on the one hand identify the processes for legitimising a policy within a State<br />

and, on the other, note the extent to which the Culture/State relationship may vary among<br />

European countries.<br />

In his article ‘Approches politistes des politiques culturelles’, Ioana Popa points to the need to<br />

place forms of public action in a historical context. In his view, ‘the genesis of cultural policies<br />

cannot be confined to the origins of the various forms of support given to arts and culture by the<br />

public authorities but also consists in integrating and institutionalising the various forms of<br />

intervention […]. Those processes are only possible, however, in the context of specific<br />

historical and national conditions.’ Public intervention and institutionalisation encouraged by a<br />

particular historical context then seem to be the determining criteria for the legitimacy of a<br />

cultural policy: ‘the State thus becomes the real point at which culture is defined (Dubois,<br />

1999), occupying an increasingly important position, through the distribution of State aid, in the<br />

process of cultural legitimation and authentication 139 .’ This supplants ‘the monopoly previously<br />

held by intellectuals and artists 140 .’<br />

Moreover, ‘cultural policy is not the result only of a variety of State intervention practices but<br />

also of the intellectual processes and specific methods used to legitimise those practices.’ 141 In<br />

France, for example, although the creation of the autonomous Ministry of Cultural Affairs in<br />

1959 was due mainly to a desire for cultural democratisation, that kind of legitimation was<br />

transformed into the idea of a cultural democracy ‘seen, for its part, both as the recognition and<br />

the development of cultural diversity (regional, community, ethnic, and so forth) and as a<br />

challenge to traditional cultural hierarchies (e.g. ranging from ‘legitimate’ to ‘minor’ arts),<br />

henceforth regarded as the reflection of social hierarchies’ 142 . Consequently, ‘public intervention<br />

136 Popa, Ioana, Approches politistes des politiques culturelles, CNRS, Institut des sciences sociales du politique,<br />

p. 1, proposed article for the site of the Observatoire des mutations des industries culturelles http://observatoireomic.org.<br />

137 Ibid.<br />

138 Ibid.<br />

139 Ibid.<br />

140 Ibid.<br />

141 Ibid.<br />

142 Ibid.<br />

PE 375.307

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