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Bernard Shaw's Remarkable Religion: A Faith That Fits the Facts

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Ethics, Economics, and Government 181<br />

of pseudo-democracy, or votes for everybody, which destroys responsibility<br />

by allowing <strong>the</strong> leaders to blame <strong>the</strong>ir mistakes on <strong>the</strong> electorate. “A<br />

minister of State who accepts and undertakes a public duty on <strong>the</strong> understanding<br />

that if he fails he will be impeached and possibly shot, or at least<br />

discharged and discredited, is a responsible minister” (Everybody’s Political<br />

33). “Better one dictator standing up responsible before <strong>the</strong> world for<br />

<strong>the</strong> good and evil he does than a dirty little dictator in every street responsible<br />

to nobody,” as Old Hipney declares (On <strong>the</strong> Rocks 6:719). The dictator<br />

could not hide behind sham ruses; his rule must be based on competence.<br />

This was naive of Shaw. It was extraordinarily naive in <strong>the</strong> case of<br />

Stalin. He seems to have had no sense of <strong>the</strong> diligence with which Hitler<br />

and Mussolini developed <strong>the</strong>ir protective, artificial “godhead” or <strong>the</strong> effectiveness<br />

of military terror in convincing those initially reluctant to go<br />

along with it. He imagined that with <strong>the</strong> traditional garments of authority<br />

torn away <strong>the</strong> dictator would actually be forced into something closer to<br />

genuine democracy. This is certainly a flaw in his thinking, but it is not <strong>the</strong><br />

mistake of authoritarianism; ra<strong>the</strong>r, it is a betrayal of his hidden anarchism.<br />

He believed that with <strong>the</strong> bandages of idolatry stripped from <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

eyes, <strong>the</strong> people would, acting in <strong>the</strong>ir own self-interest, demand responsible<br />

leadership. He expected something not unlike Adam Smith’s invisible<br />

hand to restrain <strong>the</strong> leaders. He also believed of rulers what he believed of<br />

everyone: that you get <strong>the</strong> best of <strong>the</strong>m by appealing to <strong>the</strong>ir consciences.<br />

“All this country or any country has to stand between it and blue hell,”<br />

Hipney says, “is <strong>the</strong> consciences of <strong>the</strong>m that are capable of governing<br />

it” (6:721). He thought <strong>the</strong> masses, toge<strong>the</strong>r with <strong>the</strong>ir own consciences,<br />

would always keep <strong>the</strong> dictators in line. Ei<strong>the</strong>r humanity itself—natural<br />

democracy—or <strong>the</strong> devotion of <strong>the</strong> leaders to <strong>the</strong> genuine improvement<br />

of humanity—“vocation”—was, in Shaw’s view, <strong>the</strong> ultimate safeguard<br />

against tyranny. As long as <strong>the</strong> people were not blinded by self-perverting<br />

ideals, <strong>the</strong>y could be counted on to rein in ambition and make power serve<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir needs. We can see, with <strong>the</strong> wisdom of our century’s experience to aid<br />

us, that Shaw was himself blinded by his own ideals. His blindness is remarkable<br />

because he understood it so well in o<strong>the</strong>rs and even—in <strong>the</strong> abstract—in<br />

himself. He knew that we all believe what we want to believe,<br />

and he wanted to believe in <strong>the</strong> essential goodness of human beings. He<br />

knew that we are easily turned from <strong>the</strong> purposes of <strong>the</strong> Life Force, but he<br />

was certain that so long as we are not deluded by ideals or deflected from<br />

<strong>the</strong> general good by self-interest, we would return to <strong>the</strong> quest for godhead.<br />

Just as he thought that <strong>the</strong> Ulster Protestants would join with <strong>the</strong>ir

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