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The <strong>Telmarc</strong> <strong>Group</strong><br />

PROGRESSIVISM, INDIVIDUALISM, AND THE PUBLIC<br />

INTELLECTUAL<br />

profit. Coase showed, with a detailed look at history, that lighthouses in nineteenthcentury<br />

Britain were privately provided <strong>and</strong> that ships were charged for <strong>the</strong>ir use when<br />

<strong>the</strong>y came into port. "<br />

Thus health care, using <strong>the</strong> lighthouse metaphor, <strong>and</strong> in a Coasian sense, should follow a<br />

similar path, <strong>and</strong> such a path is in many ways divergent from that as presented by <strong>the</strong><br />

current President.<br />

5.2.2 Applications <strong>and</strong> Details<br />

In an article by Jeff Eisenach <strong>and</strong> Adam Thierer <strong>the</strong> author's state: 118<br />

"Fifty years ago this month, writing in <strong>the</strong> Journal of Law <strong>and</strong> Economics, economist<br />

Ronald Coase directly challenged <strong>the</strong>se foundational Progressive assumptions. In <strong>the</strong><br />

process of explaining why government should not own <strong>and</strong> control <strong>the</strong> broadcast<br />

spectrum, he showed that where Progressives mistakenly had diagnosed market failure,<br />

<strong>the</strong> real problem was government’s failure to create enforceable property rights. And,<br />

where Progressives had promoted government control, Coase minced no words in<br />

demonstrating its failings. His work—exp<strong>and</strong>ed upon a year later in “The Problem of<br />

Social Cost” —ultimately won him <strong>the</strong> 1991 Nobel Prize in Economics, “for his<br />

discovery <strong>and</strong> clarification of <strong>the</strong> significance of transaction costs <strong>and</strong> property rights for<br />

<strong>the</strong> institutional structure <strong>and</strong> functioning of <strong>the</strong> economy.”"<br />

The authors continue:<br />

"Coase’s article began a wholesale rethinking of <strong>the</strong> Progressive paradigm that had<br />

dominated political thought since <strong>the</strong> turn of <strong>the</strong> century. By <strong>the</strong> 1980s, Coase’s ideas<br />

had gone from radical to mainstream. Free market advocates, <strong>the</strong>n in <strong>the</strong> ascendancy,<br />

embraced such Coasian principles as:<br />

(1) The existence of a market failure or externality does not in <strong>and</strong> of itself justify<br />

government intervention; indeed, government is often <strong>the</strong> underlying cause of <strong>the</strong><br />

problem.<br />

(2) Government intervention is seldom ei<strong>the</strong>r administratively efficient or politically<br />

neutral; to <strong>the</strong> contrary, it often results in what Coase called <strong>the</strong> “mal-allocation” of<br />

resources.<br />

(3) Government control of <strong>the</strong> economy is a threat to political liberty; for example,<br />

government control of <strong>the</strong> broadcast spectrum has consistently been used to limit free<br />

speech."<br />

This observation is quite interesting in light of many current neo-progressive reforms.<br />

Take banking. Clearly <strong>the</strong> major cause of <strong>the</strong> failure was <strong>the</strong> housing bubble driven by<br />

Government dem<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong> facilitation vi Fannie <strong>and</strong> Freddie on <strong>the</strong> issuance of mortgages<br />

118 http://american.com/archive/2009/october/coase-vs-<strong>the</strong>-neo-progressives/<br />

Page 110

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