Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
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152<br />
Chapter 7 Gender <strong>and</strong> sexuality<br />
is that it has already been appropriated by the culture industries for its own purposes<br />
of profit maximization. However, drawing on the work of Bourdieu, Ang argues that<br />
populism is related to the ‘popular aesthetic’, in which the moral categories of middleclass<br />
taste are replaced by an emphasis on contingency, on pluralism, <strong>and</strong> above all, on<br />
pleasure (see Chapter 10). Pleasure, for Ang, is the key term in a transformed feminist<br />
cultural politics. Feminism must break with ‘the paternalism of the ideology of mass<br />
culture . . . [in which w]omen are . . . seen as the passive victims of the deceptive messages<br />
of soap operas . . . [their] pleasure . . . totally disregarded’ (118–19). Even when<br />
pleasure is considered, it is there only to be condemned as an obstruction to the feminist<br />
goal of women’s liberation. The question Ang poses is: Can pleasure through<br />
identification with the women of ‘women’s weepies’ or the emotionally masochistic<br />
women of soap operas, ‘have a meaning for women which is relatively independent of<br />
their political attitudes’? (133). Her answer is yes: fantasy <strong>and</strong> fiction do not<br />
function in place of, but beside, other dimensions of life (social practice, moral<br />
or political consciousness). It . . . is a source of pleasure because it puts ‘reality’ in<br />
parenthesis, because it constructs imaginary solutions for real contradictions<br />
which in their fictional simplicity <strong>and</strong> their simple fictionality step outside the<br />
tedious complexity of the existing social relations of dominance <strong>and</strong> subordination<br />
(135).<br />
Of course this does not mean that representations of women do not matter. They can<br />
still be condemned for being reactionary in an ongoing cultural politics. But to experience<br />
pleasure from them is a completely different issue: ‘it need not imply that we are<br />
also bound to take up these positions <strong>and</strong> solutions in our relations to our loved ones<br />
<strong>and</strong> friends, our work, our political ideals, <strong>and</strong> so on’ (ibid.).<br />
Fiction <strong>and</strong> fantasy, then, function by making life in the present pleasurable, or<br />
at least livable, but this does not by any means exclude radical political activity<br />
or consciousness. It does not follow that feminists must not persevere in trying<br />
to produce new fantasies <strong>and</strong> fight for a place for them. . . . It does, however,<br />
mean that, where cultural consumption is concerned, no fixed st<strong>and</strong>ard exists for<br />
gauging the ‘progressiveness’ of a fantasy. The personal may be political, but the<br />
personal <strong>and</strong> the political do not always go h<strong>and</strong> in h<strong>and</strong> (135–6).<br />
In an unnecessarily hostile review of Watching Dallas, Dana Polan (1988) accuses<br />
Ang of simplifying questions of pleasure by not bringing into play psychoanalysis. He<br />
also claims that Ang’s attack on the ideology of mass culture simply reverses the valuations<br />
implicit <strong>and</strong> explicit in the high culture / popular culture divide. Instead of the<br />
consumer of high culture imagining ‘high taste as a kind of free expression of a full subjectivity<br />
always in danger of being debased by vulgar habits’, Ang is accused of presenting<br />
‘the fan of mass culture as a free individual in danger of having his/her open<br />
access to immediate pleasure corrupted by artificial <strong>and</strong> snobbish values imposed from<br />
on high’ (198). Polan claims that Ang is attacking ‘an antiquarian <strong>and</strong> anachronistic