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Cultural Theory and Popular Culture

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46<br />

Chapter 3 <strong>Cultural</strong>ism<br />

employ ‘magic solutions’ to close the gap in that society between ‘the ethic <strong>and</strong> the<br />

experience’. He gives examples of how men <strong>and</strong> women are released from loveless marriages<br />

as a result of the convenient death or the insanity of their partners; legacies turn<br />

up unexpectedly to overcome reverses in fortune; villains are lost in the Empire; poor<br />

men return from the Empire bearing great riches; <strong>and</strong> those whose aspirations could<br />

not be met by prevailing social arrangements are put on a boat to make their dreams<br />

come true elsewhere. All these (<strong>and</strong> more) are presented as examples of a shared structure<br />

of feeling, the unconscious <strong>and</strong> conscious working out in fictional texts of the contradictions<br />

of nineteenth-century society. The purpose of cultural analysis is to read<br />

the structure of feeling through the documentary record, ‘from poems to buildings <strong>and</strong><br />

dress-fashions’ (37). As he makes clear,<br />

What we are looking for, always, is the actual life that the whole organization is<br />

there to express. The significance of documentary culture is that, more clearly than<br />

anything else, it expresses that life to us in direct terms, when the living witnesses<br />

are silent (ibid.).<br />

The situation is complicated by the fact that culture always exists on three levels:<br />

We need to distinguish three levels of culture, even in its most general definition.<br />

There is the lived culture of a particular time <strong>and</strong> place, only fully accessible to<br />

those living in that time <strong>and</strong> place. There is the recorded culture, of every kind,<br />

from art to the most everyday facts: the culture of a period. There is also, as the<br />

factor connecting lived culture <strong>and</strong> period cultures, the culture of the selective<br />

tradition (37).<br />

Lived culture is culture as lived <strong>and</strong> experienced by people in their day-to-day existence<br />

in a particular place <strong>and</strong> at a particular moment in time; <strong>and</strong> the only people who have<br />

full access to this culture are those who actually lived its structure of feeling. Once the<br />

historical moment is gone the structure of feeling begins to fragment. <strong>Cultural</strong> analysis<br />

has access only through the documentary record of the culture. But the documentary<br />

record itself fragments under the processes of ‘the selective tradition’ (ibid.).<br />

Between a lived culture <strong>and</strong> its reconstitution in cultural analysis, clearly, a great deal<br />

of detail is lost. For example, as Williams points out, nobody can claim to have read<br />

all the novels of the nineteenth century. Instead, what we have is the specialist who can<br />

claim perhaps to have read many hundreds; the interested academic who has read<br />

somewhat fewer; the ‘educated reader’ who has read fewer again. This quite clear process<br />

of selectivity does not prevent the three groups of readers from sharing a sense<br />

of the nature of the nineteenth-century novel. Williams is of course aware that no<br />

nineteenth-century reader would in fact have read all the novels of the nineteenth<br />

century. His point, however, is that the nineteenth-century reader ‘had something<br />

which . . . no later individual can wholly recover: that sense of the life within which the<br />

novels were written, <strong>and</strong> which we now approach through our selection’ (38). For<br />

Williams, it is crucial to underst<strong>and</strong> the selectivity of cultural traditions. It always

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