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Cultural Theory and Popular Culture

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234<br />

Chapter 10 The politics of the popular<br />

always confronts a text or practice in its material existence as a result of determinate<br />

conditions of production. But in the same way, the text or practice is confronted by a<br />

consumer who in effect produces in use the range of possible meaning(s) – these cannot<br />

just be read off from the materiality of the text or practice, or the means or relations of<br />

its production. 60<br />

The ideology of mass culture<br />

We have to start from here <strong>and</strong> now, <strong>and</strong> acknowledge that we (all of us) live in a world<br />

dominated by multinational capitalism, <strong>and</strong> will do so for the foreseeable future –<br />

‘pessimism of the intelligence, optimism of the will’, as Gramsci said (1971: 175). We<br />

need to see ourselves – all people, not just vanguard intellectuals – as active participants<br />

in culture: selecting, rejecting, making meanings, attributing value, resisting <strong>and</strong>,<br />

yes, being duped <strong>and</strong> manipulated. This does not mean that we forget about ‘the politics<br />

of representation’. What we must do (<strong>and</strong> here I agree with Ang) is see that although<br />

pleasure is political, pleasure <strong>and</strong> politics can often be different. Liking Desperate<br />

Housewives or The Sopranos does not determine my politics, making me more left-wing<br />

or less left-wing. There is pleasure <strong>and</strong> there is politics: we can laugh at the distortions,<br />

the evasions, the disavowals, whilst still promoting a politics that says these are distortions,<br />

evasions, disavowals. We must teach each other to know, to politicize for, to<br />

recognize the difference between different versions of reality, <strong>and</strong> to know that each can<br />

require a different politics. This does not mean the end of a feminist or a socialist cultural<br />

politics, or the end of struggles around the representations of ‘race’, class, gender,<br />

disability or sexuality, but it should mean the final break with the ‘culture <strong>and</strong> civilization’<br />

problematic, with its debilitating insistence that particular patterns of consumption<br />

determine the moral <strong>and</strong> political worth of an individual.<br />

In many ways, this book has been about what Ang calls ‘the ideology of mass culture’.<br />

Against this ideology, I have posed the patterns of pleasure in consumption <strong>and</strong><br />

the consumption of pleasure, aware that I continually run the risk of advocating an<br />

uncritical cultural populism. Ultimately, I have argued that popular culture is what we<br />

make from the commodities <strong>and</strong> commodified practices made available by the culture<br />

industries. To paraphrase what I said in the discussion of post-Marxist cultural studies,<br />

making popular culture (‘production in use’) 61 can be empowering to subordinate <strong>and</strong><br />

resistant to dominant underst<strong>and</strong>ings of the world. But this is not to say that popular<br />

culture is always empowering <strong>and</strong> resistant. To deny the passivity of consumption is<br />

not to deny that sometimes consumption is passive; to deny that the consumers of<br />

popular culture are cultural dupes is not to deny that the culture industries seek to<br />

manipulate. But it is to deny that popular culture is little more than a degraded l<strong>and</strong>scape<br />

of commercial <strong>and</strong> ideological manipulation, imposed from above in order to<br />

make profit <strong>and</strong> secure social control. Post-Marxist cultural studies insists that to decide<br />

these matters requires vigilance <strong>and</strong> attention to the details of production, textuality

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