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Cultural Theory and Popular Culture

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Jameson (1988) argues that postmodernism was born out of<br />

Postmodernism in the 1960s 183<br />

the shift from an oppositional to a hegemonic position of the classics of modernism,<br />

the latter’s conquest of the university, the museum, the art gallery network<br />

<strong>and</strong> the foundations, the assimilation . . . of the various high modernisms, into the<br />

‘canon’ <strong>and</strong> the subsequent attenuation of everything in them felt by our gr<strong>and</strong>parents<br />

to be shocking, sc<strong>and</strong>alous, ugly, dissonant, immoral <strong>and</strong> antisocial (299).<br />

For the student of popular culture perhaps the most important consequence of the<br />

new sensibility, with its ab<strong>and</strong>onment of ‘the Matthew Arnold notion of culture,<br />

finding it historically <strong>and</strong> humanly obsolescent’ (Sontag, 1966: 299), is its claim that<br />

‘the distinction between “high” <strong>and</strong> “low” culture seems less <strong>and</strong> less meaningful’ (302).<br />

In this sense, it is a sensibility in revolt against what is seen as the cultural elitism of<br />

modernism. Modernism, in spite of the fact that it often quoted from popular culture,<br />

is marked by a deep suspicion of all things popular. Its entry into the museum <strong>and</strong> the<br />

academy was undoubtedly made easier (regardless of its declared antagonism to ‘bourgeois<br />

philistinism’) by its appeal to, <strong>and</strong> homologous relationship with, the elitism of<br />

class society. The postmodernism of the late 1950s <strong>and</strong> 1960s was therefore in part a<br />

populist attack on the elitism of modernism. It signalled a refusal of what Andreas<br />

Huyssen (1986) calls ‘the great divide . . . [a] discourse which insists on the categorical<br />

distinction between high art <strong>and</strong> mass culture’ (viii). Moreover, according to Huyssen,<br />

‘To a large extent, it is by the distance we have travelled from this “great divide”<br />

between mass culture <strong>and</strong> modernism that we can measure our own cultural postmodernity’<br />

(57).<br />

The American <strong>and</strong> British pop art of the 1950s <strong>and</strong> 1960s presented a clear rejection<br />

of the ‘great divide’. It rejected Arnold’s definition of culture as ‘the best that has been<br />

thought <strong>and</strong> said’ (see Chapter 2), preferring instead Williams’s social definition of<br />

culture as ‘a whole way of life’ (see Chapter 3). British pop art dreamed of America<br />

(seen as the home of popular culture) from the grey deprivation of 1950s Britain. As<br />

Lawrence Alloway, the movement’s first theorist, explains,<br />

The area of contact was mass produced urban culture: movies, advertising, science<br />

fiction, pop music. We felt none of the dislike of commercial culture st<strong>and</strong>ard<br />

among most intellectuals, but accepted it as a fact, discussed it in detail, <strong>and</strong> consumed<br />

it enthusiastically. One result of our discussions was to take Pop culture out<br />

of the realm of ‘escapism’, ‘sheer entertainment’, ‘relaxation’, <strong>and</strong> to treat it with<br />

the seriousness of art (quoted in Frith <strong>and</strong> Horne, 1987: 104).<br />

Andy Warhol was also a key figure in the theorizing of pop art. Like Alloway, he<br />

refuses to take seriously the distinction between commercial <strong>and</strong> non-commercial art.<br />

He sees ‘commercial art as real art <strong>and</strong> real art as commercial art’ (109). He claims that<br />

‘“real” art is defined simply by the taste (<strong>and</strong> wealth) of the ruling class of the period.<br />

This implies not only that commercial art is just as good as “real” art – its value simply<br />

being defined by other social groups, other patterns of expenditure’ (ibid.). We can

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