Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
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in the form of fantasies <strong>and</strong> imagined “new” selves. This leads to the conclusion that a<br />
genre study can be based entirely on how women’s magazines are read <strong>and</strong> that it does<br />
not need to address the (narrative) structure or content of the text itself at all’ (146).<br />
Against more celebratory accounts of women <strong>and</strong> consumption, Hermes’s investigation<br />
of the role of repertoires makes her reluctant to see in the practices of women<br />
reading magazines an unproblematical form of empowerment. Instead, she argues, we<br />
should think of the consumption of women’s magazines as providing only temporary<br />
‘moments of empowerment’ (51).<br />
Men’s studies <strong>and</strong> masculinities<br />
Men’s studies <strong>and</strong> masculinities 159<br />
Feminism has brought into being many things, but one that some feminists have<br />
already disowned is men’s studies. Despite Peter Schwenger’s concern that for a man<br />
‘to think about masculinity is to become less masculine oneself. . . . The real man<br />
thinks about practical matters rather than abstract ones <strong>and</strong> certainly does not brood<br />
upon himself or the nature of his sexuality’ (quoted in Showalter, 1990: 7), many men<br />
have thought, spoken <strong>and</strong> written about masculinity. As Antony Easthope 33 (1986)<br />
writes in What a Man’s Gotta Do, ‘It is time to try to speak about masculinity, about<br />
what it is <strong>and</strong> how it works’ (1). Easthope’s focus is on what he calls dominant masculinity<br />
(the myth of heterosexual masculinity as something essential <strong>and</strong> self-evident<br />
which is tough, masterful, self-possessed, knowing, always in control, etc.). He begins<br />
from the proposition that masculinity is a cultural construct; that is, it is not ‘natural’,<br />
‘normal’ or ‘universal’. He argues that dominant masculinity operates as a gender<br />
norm, <strong>and</strong> that it is against this norm that the many other different types of ‘lived masculinities’<br />
(including gay masculinities) are invited to measure themselves. As part of<br />
this argument, he analyses the way dominant masculinity is represented across a range<br />
of popular cultural texts: pop songs, popular fiction, films, television <strong>and</strong> newspapers,<br />
<strong>and</strong> concludes:<br />
Clearly men do not passively live out the masculine myth imposed by the stories<br />
<strong>and</strong> images of the dominant culture. But neither can they live completely outside<br />
the myth, since it pervades the culture. Its coercive power is active everywhere – not<br />
just on screens, hoardings <strong>and</strong> paper, but inside our own heads (167).<br />
From a similar perspective, Sean Nixon’s (1996) examination of ‘new man’ masculinity<br />
explores it as ‘a regime of representation’, focusing on ‘four key sites of cultural<br />
circulation: television advertising, press advertising, menswear shops <strong>and</strong> popular<br />
magazines for men’ (4).<br />
Although it is true that feminists have always encouraged men to examine their masculinity,<br />
many feminists are less than impressed with men’s studies, as Joyce Canaan<br />
<strong>and</strong> Christine Griffin (1990) make clear: