Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
Cultural Theory and Popular Culture
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The cultural field 219<br />
aesthetic difference. The class relations of the cultural field are structured around two<br />
divisions: on the one h<strong>and</strong>, between the dominant classes <strong>and</strong> the subordinate classes,<br />
<strong>and</strong> on the other, within the dominant classes between those with high economic capital<br />
as opposed to high cultural capital, <strong>and</strong> those with high cultural capital as opposed<br />
to high economic capital. Those whose power stems primarily from cultural rather<br />
than economic power are engaged in a constant struggle within the cultural field ‘to<br />
raise the social value of the specific competences involved in part by constantly trying<br />
to raise the scarcity of those competences. It is for this reason that . . . they will always<br />
resist as a body moves towards cultural democracy’ (220). 50<br />
As we noted in Chapter 1 (see also Chapter 9), for Bourdieu (1984) the category of<br />
‘taste’ functions as a marker of ‘class’ (using the word in a double sense to mean both<br />
a socio-economic category <strong>and</strong> the suggestion of a particular level of quality). At the<br />
pinnacle of the hierarchy of taste is the ‘pure’ aesthetic gaze – a historical invention –<br />
with its emphasis on form over function. The ‘popular aesthetic’ reverses this emphasis,<br />
subordinating form to function. Accordingly, popular culture is about performance,<br />
high culture is about contemplation; high culture is about representation, popular culture<br />
is about what is represented. As he explains, ‘Intellectuals could be said to believe<br />
in the representation – literature, theatre, painting – more than in the things represented,<br />
whereas the people chiefly expect representations <strong>and</strong> the conventions which<br />
govern them to allow them to believe “naively” in the things represented’ (5).<br />
Aesthetic ‘distance’ is in effect the denial of function: it insists on the ‘how’ <strong>and</strong> not<br />
the ‘what’. It is analogous to the difference between judging a meal good because it was<br />
economically priced <strong>and</strong> filling, <strong>and</strong> judging a meal good on the basis of how it was<br />
served, where it was served. The ‘pure’ aesthetic or cultured gaze emerges with the emergence<br />
of the cultural field, <strong>and</strong> becomes institutionalized in the art museum. Once<br />
inside the museum art loses all prior functions (except that of being art) <strong>and</strong> becomes<br />
pure form: ‘Though originally subordinated to quite different or even incompatible<br />
functions (crucifix <strong>and</strong> fetish, Pieta <strong>and</strong> still life), these juxtaposed works tacitly<br />
dem<strong>and</strong> attention to form rather than function, technique rather than theme’ (30). For<br />
example, an advertisement for soup displayed in an art gallery becomes an example of<br />
the aesthetic, whereas the same advertisement in a magazine is an example of commerce.<br />
The effect of the distinction is to produce ‘a sort of ontological promotion akin<br />
to a transubstantiation’ (6).<br />
As Bourdieu says, ‘it is not easy to describe the “pure” gaze without also describing<br />
the naive gaze which it defines itself against’ (32). The naive gaze is of course the gaze<br />
of the popular aesthetic:<br />
The affirmation of continuity between art <strong>and</strong> life, which implies the subordination<br />
of form to function ...a refusal of the refusal which is the starting point of<br />
the high aesthetic, i.e. the clear cut separation of ordinary dispositions from the<br />
specially aesthetic disposition (ibid.).<br />
The relations between the pure gaze <strong>and</strong> the popular/naive gaze are needless to say<br />
not those of equality, but a relation of dominant <strong>and</strong> dominated. Moreover, Bourdieu