THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT IN ...

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Further down the valiey, before reaching Tamaphok proper, was Teilok (wards 3 and 4), predominantly Chetri but with sixteen Newar and two Gurung households in ward 3 and Brahmin, Yakha, Sunuwar, Marpati Sunuwar and Kami households in ward 4. Ward 5 had three Kami and two Damai households apart from its 136 Yakha households, Leaving ward 5 and before reaching the neighbouring pancgyat of Mamling one came to ward 7 (called after its two main communities Salle- Kuntang) and ward 8 (called after its two main communities Baijore- Majhuwa). Both wards 7 and 8 had a few Yakha households, and in addition ward 7 had Magar, Gurung, Brahmin, Chetri and Kami houses, and Ward 8 had four Damai, three Magar and one Newar household in addition to its Chetri homes. If one went up the hi 11 from ward 5, ward 6 was known as Tamaphok- Phumling, the Tamaphok part a continuation of the Yakha settlement of ward 5, and Phumling a hamlet made up predominantiy of Gurung, Chetri, Magar, Brahmin and Kami households. Then, going over the crest of the Tinjure Danda ridge, one came to Ward 9 (Okhre-Thakare), almost exclusively Gurung and the only part of Tamaphok panc6~at not in the Maya Khola valley. 6. According to Hodgson (1858), beef had once been part of the Limbu diet (and thus, we can surmise, may have been part of the Yakha diet too), but the Limbu had had litle trouble giving up eating it, Hoimberg makes the point that many ethnic groups (such as the Tamang) whicn are considered 'beef eaters' by high caste Hindus in fact rarely eat this meat (1989:27-30). Some ex-Gurkhas told us with pride how they had eaten beef abroad. 7, Cuha was made by straining cold water through one of two types of woven bamboo filters called ha,ncur and phedpi. (We were toid the pheepi had also been used as an oi 1 squeezer unt i 1 about 25 years ago!, The filter contained either fermented millet, rice or maize, Millet was first cracked using a Dhiki after which it was put into a large cauldron and boiled. The cooked millet was then put on mats and a1 lowed to cooi slightly before adding yeast to make ienda, used as the basis for botn cuha and raksi. 8. A Limbu recipe for the manufacture of kinama, which uses a little bit of ash, is given in van Driem (1987:281-2). 9. Lirnbu further to the east were said by Upreti to refer to liquor drinking, high-caste Hindus as nava- matwgii ('new matwgli' ) (1976:53). We did not find an equivaient expression being used in Tamaphok, 10. It would be wrong to make too much of such apparent transgressions. One forward-thinking Brahmin school-teacher couple expressed a liking for pork, and served us raksi on a visit one evening. However, on another occasion the woman confided to us that her favourite meat was st ill goat, because "pigs and chickens don' t eat pure things, goats eat pure things like gras~'~, a neat affirmation of Dumont's comment "it is less impure to eat game than domestic pig, raised by iowly castes and fed on garbage, it is less impure to eat the meat of a herbivorous than a carnivorous animal" (1980: 56). The teacher said she had seen pigs in Tamaphok being fed peopie' s stools. We never saw this happening,
although it has been observed amongst other Kirant i groups such as the Thulung Rai (Allen, pers, comm.). 11. These 'Gardens of Adonis' have been noted in other parts of south Asia (e.8, Dumont 1957:386), and ancient Greece (DBtienne 1972). See Zanen (1978) for a comparative study. 12. For a brief account of the role of Damai musicians, see Helffer (1969). 13, Due to my broken arm I was unable to witness the festival of Caita Dasa i -.
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THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND
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Dedicated to the memory of MART IN
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Without the funding of the ESRC it
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CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE: Searching for
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CHAPTER SEVEN: Other Worlds: Inside
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List of Plates After Page P!ate 1:
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, Map I: Nepal, showing location of
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March 1989 and October 1990, in the
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to be social?", friends asked. "Enc
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people whom the project was designe
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was no reason why SEADD (who liked
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presence of institutions at the loc
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I did have the opportunity to under
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(Map 2). We decided to make Kathman
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felt I had scored a small victory o
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Chainpur (see Map 3). It was on the
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primary level teacher at the Tamaph
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quest ions concerned wi th language
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p 5: KHARDEP map of Tamaphok penchy
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to visit during the day. Our own da
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learn the Yakha language, our progr
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week into his palm to cover the ext
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make enquiries. I found out about a
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a research assistant after school.
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to collect a VSO (Voluntary Service
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towns). Demonstrations and strikes
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post-mortem exemfnations could be c
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Kathmandu and elsewhere, and there
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sending to Kathmandu, a lucky find
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Our return to Tamaphok after this w
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een his concern: ie there has been
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of the ncrude distinction between '
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with their environment' ) and ask w
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Notes: Chapter One 1. I should expl
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higher administrators in Europe, mi
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Chapter Two: Ecological Anthropolog
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despite long-term involvement in th
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This chapter looks at how many of t
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Poffenberger (1980) sees a direct a
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The major variable which Macfarlane
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the mindless instigators of denudat
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ather than regularities in the phen
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contradict ions" (Ellen, 1979b: 21,
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position which is too broad to be u
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Steward was predated by Meggers (19
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value of an ecosystemic approach in
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small population may be more adapti
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describes as ' mangeurs du bois' [e
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Rappaport thus argues for the need
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eing trivial and dealing only with
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What we have, then, is ecological a
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Others have suggested that there ma
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were unique is to deny an answer to
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1987:86>. Sometimes identity derive
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and funeral and other ritual obliga
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suggests. Varioari for the Yakha wo
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Plate 7: Yakha woman, Kami boy Plat
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Certainly Yakha identity, their sen
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Bahadur one day; "doesn't it smell
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inland, and came into contact with
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land amongst kinsmen and adjudicati
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part. We shall then go on to look a
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settlers was from a pattern of shif
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PanciWa t Ankhibhui Maml i ng Tamap
Page 131 and 132: At the local level, the figures for
Page 133 and 134: P6-c Khap~ar (1 it, 'Five Skulls' )
Page 135 and 136: etween the two tribes were to be ta
Page 137 and 138: greater extreme the Yakha of Kingri
Page 139 and 140: People did not seem unduly perturbe
Page 141 and 142: take food, and to whom one could gi
Page 143 and 144: However, despite the influence of c
Page 145 and 146: 1979:53). We were told of two other
Page 148 and 149: circumspection, A particularly stro
Page 150 and 151: striking in terms of the dichotomy
Page 152 and 153: ut never eaten. It should be noted
Page 154 and 155: Dasai-, TihBr, S8un San.krBnti, M B
Page 156: splattered with whitewash, and it o
Page 159 and 160: its scrupulous egalitarianism in ap
Page 161 and 162: In preparation, a large square of c
Page 163 and 164: practitioner) stepped forward and d
Page 165 and 166: Tihtir, their distinctive smell bei
Page 167 and 168: Plate 12: The predh6n v6-c gives Ti
Page 169 and 170: marked, clockwise from top left, wi
Page 171 and 172: e honoured, and proceeding through
Page 173 and 174: would tend to make feeble excuses a
Page 175 and 176: ice and dahi which had been the mar
Page 177 and 178: also served. The house was speciall
Page 179 and 180: there was no simple 'melting pot' a
Page 181: not at the material level conceived
Page 185 and 186: amongst the more sophisticated memb
Page 188 and 189: Yakha came into Tamaphok in search
Page 190 and 191: muntum were essentially the same, w
Page 192 and 193: Sagant (1976:58) admits that "in th
Page 194 and 195: There were few specific things mark
Page 196 and 197: arkhi had to be of a different chor
Page 198 and 199: Plate 16: Chambog dh6ri5 in the mid
Page 200 and 201: millet would be enough to satisfy a
Page 202 and 203: pointing down. The next stage was c
Page 204: The story of O'B'mi was told to us
Page 207 and 208: of Tenbe'na was recited as follows:
Page 209 and 210: such as me,ca cydtj, which were sai
Page 211 and 212: and Yasokeni, all played to in a ba
Page 213 and 214: y the religious practitioners who t
Page 215 and 216: 2. Cf, A1 len: "When I arrived in t
Page 217 and 218: 5.2 The Yakha House The house in wh
Page 219 and 220: whitewash in painting their houses,
Page 221 and 222: me Porch The porch (omphu) mediated
Page 223 and 224: in this. People would put small wov
Page 225 and 226: to a terrace (Plate 20) which overl
Page 227 and 228: 21). Ground level was part animal e
Page 229 and 230: clans, lineages and familial roles.
Page 231 and 232: clan. Yet one five-year old girl si
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Despite the origins of the relation
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are no women mentioned apart from K
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due, was to use their kinship term
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number of relationships covered by
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strife and tension. Quite often the
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situation was often only a temporar
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5.4 The Household Economy The expec
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labourers'). Some distinction betwe
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kind of previously cooked snack foo
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parma workers was a source of extra
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een the collaboration of groups of
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Loans, Debts and Indigency We ident
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'traditional' patterns were changin
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suggests, is a trait shared by all
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Kirsten Johnson and her col leagues
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karele variety grown lower down, an
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also said to keep plants such as du
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whereby people and goods came into,
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and September, before the rice plan
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few weeks ear!ier during Dasai-> to
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maize planting time in the beginnin
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y performing a pul to pokta cyao in
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when his parents died, was granted
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trees served as an important fodder
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valley). There was at that time no
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were said to be found where tigers
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causes of forest depletion. Many pe
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family we interviewed could remembe
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ecological basis of the societies i
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However, our over-r id ing impress
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3. The surprise which some anthropo
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Chapter Seven: Inside-Out: Other Wo
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N.R. Shrestha, 1982, 1985a, 1985b;
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usinesses were located near them, T
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Plate 26: Walking through the fores
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Adding to the sense of Basantapur a
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Plate 28: Sansare Mude bazaar Plate
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Khola valley and to the Himalaya, a
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Annual Fairs In addition to the reg
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verses, these were not generally kn
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8 Tapai- arth ffarnuhos (Promise yo
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problems, The fundamental importanc
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in the district. In our studies of
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clothing from abroad was much in ev
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friend of his. This annual military
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Pakistan war and remembered the con
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everyone, As potential wage labour
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service and bought land in the same
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money paid agents in Kathmandu who
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people concerned, and how the outsi
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and this, perhaps, made marriage ac
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jerked by the strings of broader so
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is ...p rimarily due to the growth
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Sanskritizat ion had been part of Y
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Plate 30: Listening to music Plate
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as a backwater, everyone agreed tha
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students coming from some distance
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For students in ward 9, Okhre-Bhote
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The teachers also administered a sc
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the school. The curriculum followed
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see the spatial relationship betwee
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King Mahendra in 1960 after he accu
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Plate 32: Pradhen P8-c issuing citi
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Outside, people started getting exc
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muscle with regard to its de jure c
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after festivals and somewhat lackad
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As well as the ANM, a students' ass
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Ths school was a central forum for
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of the po!itical struggle, despite
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the ambiguously regarded superpower
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of their shop with stout wooden pla
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section looks briefly at how these
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for individuals within the prevaili
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particular ward, Books and other me
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e overturned: the visiting BNMT wor
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wondered whether everyone was likel
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that, with his influence, a nascent
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Newang, President of the Front. (Hi
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I argued, are particu!arly pertinen
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Yakha, I have produced a text which
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Kathmandu where she enrolled in Eng
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a'wa a a achia ach~ tamum ach~ tapu
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ha emabu bhasnik bhusudna ca came c
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dukka mene jogan duna duna du-ru Da
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i , kma i , mma ka 'nir~o kacek kam
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leema lesnchi le.pma le,kma le*r]ma
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Plate 35: The Maya Khola valley
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pha 'me phak pharog phamne pha* bu
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uc un ucumphakr]a uha uhaoma ukma u
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Appendix I1 Interview Schedule (The
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Annual production: rice, maize, mil
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adhikary, K. R, 1988,
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Brown, C. H. 1984. Languages and Li
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Doherty, V. S. 1975. Kinship and Ec
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Hitchcock, J , 1961, A Nepalese hil
Page 426 and 427:
--- 1986b. Human Imapct on Some For
Page 428 and 429:
Orlove, B. S. 1980. Ecological Anth
Page 430 and 431:
Shrestha, K. 1984. Nepal i Names fo
Page 432:
White, L.A, 1959. TheEvolutfon of C
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