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THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT IN ...

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value of an ecosystemic approach in purely biological studies, he<br />

criticizes writers such as Barth (1956), Geertz (1963) and even<br />

Rappaport (1968) for making use of what he sees as ecosystemic analogies<br />

for intellectual novelty without having worked out the ecosystematics of<br />

their studies in detail. In Bennett's view, "social systems are<br />

organized differently than biological systems, and no amount of analogy<br />

building will alter this fact or make social systems more like<br />

biologicalM (Bennett 1976:193).<br />

Rappaport's 'Pigs for the Ancestors' is perhaps the classic example<br />

of the ecosystem concept used in an ethnographic account. Rappaport's<br />

book can be epigrammatically described as a study of the ritual<br />

regulation of the ecosystem and the ecosystemic regulation of ritual<br />

amongst the Tsembaga of New Guinea. Such a reduction highlights the<br />

tautology present in Rappaport's approach, branded by Friedman (1971) as<br />

"the new functionalism", a form which "is fundamentally the same as the<br />

old functionalism except that the field of application has changed, the<br />

interest now being to show the rationality of institutions with respect<br />

to their environments rather than to other elements in the society''<br />

(1971: 457).<br />

'Adaptation' is a core principle in this demonstration of<br />

rationality or 'fit'. In Mazess' view, "perhaps no term in the<br />

biological and social sciences has such varied, vague and equivocal<br />

meanings as adaptation". In biology, adaptation is presumed to work at<br />

the phylogenetic and physiological levels (because of natural selection<br />

and temporal phenotypic flexibility, respectively). At the socio-<br />

cultural level, i t is seen as operating in addition through learning and<br />

cultural modification. Dubos observes that these !eve!s are frequently

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