THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT IN ...

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spoke to put this down to our use of chemical fertilizer, which, as we shall see in the next section, was an intrusion from the outside world of which people were sceptical. 6. For a comparative description of the vast array of ways in which bamboo was used by the Lohorong Rai community of Hendangma in the upper Arun valley, see Seeland (1980). 7. Our family told us a children's rhyme, the words of which mimicked the sound made by the jackals: "Yo kasko nhar ho? 'Whose house is that? Che t r i ho! It's Chetri Ke ho? Ke ho? Ke ho?" What is it, what is it, what is it?' 8. The cries for frightening off jackals, wild cats and eagles were all different. They were said to be the most frightening for the animal concerned, and also alerted other peop!e to the nature of the hazard present. Chickens also gave their own distinctive warning calls as a predator approached. These were often the first indication people had that something was amiss, 9. Bennett cogently argues that this is the case in Japan (1976:!61- 144).
Chapter Seven: Inside-Out: Other Worlds 7.1 Introduction This chapter looks at Yakha movement from Tamaphok to the outside world, and Yakha perceptions of this wider environment,'. To do this, we must first decide where an appropriate boundary can be drawn between the environment of the Tamaphok Yakha and the world beyond. I argue that it was the bazaars which constituted such a border zone. The three bazaars which I describe in some detail in this chapter were ei ther at the edge of or j ust outs ide Tamaphok panc8va t , and going to them certainly did not represent visiting another world for Tamaphok residents. The bazaars were very much part of the ' local' scene and could all be reached and returned from, if one wanted, in a day. They were a fulcrum of exchange beyond the immediate family and local kin group, places where people could provision themselves with goods they did not have the means to produce locally, and where others with goods that were surplus to requirements could dispose of them. As important as as their economic role was their function as a nexus of social exchange, since it was at bazaars that people could meet friends and family from Tamaphok and beyond. Bazaars were also, however, a gateway to other worlds: places where, depending on distance from home, the environment was beginning to be less familiar insofar as 'unknown' people were likely to start outnumbering the 'known' or 'vaguely known'. They were also places where identities could be negotitated and celebrated: in particular they were where young people could meet potential marriage partners from other parts of the region. Finally, they were a principle means by
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THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND
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Dedicated to the memory of MART IN
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Without the funding of the ESRC it
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CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE: Searching for
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CHAPTER SEVEN: Other Worlds: Inside
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List of Plates After Page P!ate 1:
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, Map I: Nepal, showing location of
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March 1989 and October 1990, in the
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to be social?", friends asked. "Enc
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people whom the project was designe
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was no reason why SEADD (who liked
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presence of institutions at the loc
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I did have the opportunity to under
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(Map 2). We decided to make Kathman
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felt I had scored a small victory o
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Chainpur (see Map 3). It was on the
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primary level teacher at the Tamaph
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quest ions concerned wi th language
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p 5: KHARDEP map of Tamaphok penchy
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to visit during the day. Our own da
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learn the Yakha language, our progr
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week into his palm to cover the ext
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make enquiries. I found out about a
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a research assistant after school.
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to collect a VSO (Voluntary Service
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towns). Demonstrations and strikes
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post-mortem exemfnations could be c
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Kathmandu and elsewhere, and there
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sending to Kathmandu, a lucky find
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Our return to Tamaphok after this w
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een his concern: ie there has been
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of the ncrude distinction between '
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with their environment' ) and ask w
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Notes: Chapter One 1. I should expl
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higher administrators in Europe, mi
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Chapter Two: Ecological Anthropolog
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despite long-term involvement in th
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This chapter looks at how many of t
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Poffenberger (1980) sees a direct a
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The major variable which Macfarlane
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the mindless instigators of denudat
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ather than regularities in the phen
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contradict ions" (Ellen, 1979b: 21,
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position which is too broad to be u
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Steward was predated by Meggers (19
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value of an ecosystemic approach in
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small population may be more adapti
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describes as ' mangeurs du bois' [e
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Rappaport thus argues for the need
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eing trivial and dealing only with
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What we have, then, is ecological a
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Others have suggested that there ma
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were unique is to deny an answer to
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1987:86>. Sometimes identity derive
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and funeral and other ritual obliga
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suggests. Varioari for the Yakha wo
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Plate 7: Yakha woman, Kami boy Plat
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Certainly Yakha identity, their sen
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Bahadur one day; "doesn't it smell
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inland, and came into contact with
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land amongst kinsmen and adjudicati
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part. We shall then go on to look a
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settlers was from a pattern of shif
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PanciWa t Ankhibhui Maml i ng Tamap
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At the local level, the figures for
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P6-c Khap~ar (1 it, 'Five Skulls' )
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etween the two tribes were to be ta
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greater extreme the Yakha of Kingri
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People did not seem unduly perturbe
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take food, and to whom one could gi
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However, despite the influence of c
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1979:53). We were told of two other
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circumspection, A particularly stro
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striking in terms of the dichotomy
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ut never eaten. It should be noted
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Dasai-, TihBr, S8un San.krBnti, M B
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splattered with whitewash, and it o
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its scrupulous egalitarianism in ap
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In preparation, a large square of c
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practitioner) stepped forward and d
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Tihtir, their distinctive smell bei
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Plate 12: The predh6n v6-c gives Ti
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marked, clockwise from top left, wi
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e honoured, and proceeding through
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would tend to make feeble excuses a
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ice and dahi which had been the mar
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also served. The house was speciall
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there was no simple 'melting pot' a
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not at the material level conceived
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although it has been observed among
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amongst the more sophisticated memb
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Yakha came into Tamaphok in search
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muntum were essentially the same, w
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Sagant (1976:58) admits that "in th
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There were few specific things mark
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arkhi had to be of a different chor
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Plate 16: Chambog dh6ri5 in the mid
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millet would be enough to satisfy a
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pointing down. The next stage was c
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The story of O'B'mi was told to us
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of Tenbe'na was recited as follows:
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such as me,ca cydtj, which were sai
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and Yasokeni, all played to in a ba
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y the religious practitioners who t
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2. Cf, A1 len: "When I arrived in t
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5.2 The Yakha House The house in wh
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whitewash in painting their houses,
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me Porch The porch (omphu) mediated
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in this. People would put small wov
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to a terrace (Plate 20) which overl
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21). Ground level was part animal e
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clans, lineages and familial roles.
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clan. Yet one five-year old girl si
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Despite the origins of the relation
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are no women mentioned apart from K
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due, was to use their kinship term
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number of relationships covered by
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strife and tension. Quite often the
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Page 245 and 246: 5.4 The Household Economy The expec
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Page 253 and 254: een the collaboration of groups of
Page 255 and 256: Loans, Debts and Indigency We ident
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Page 261 and 262: Kirsten Johnson and her col leagues
Page 263 and 264: karele variety grown lower down, an
Page 265 and 266: also said to keep plants such as du
Page 267 and 268: whereby people and goods came into,
Page 269 and 270: and September, before the rice plan
Page 271 and 272: few weeks ear!ier during Dasai-> to
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Page 275 and 276: y performing a pul to pokta cyao in
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Page 281 and 282: valley). There was at that time no
Page 283 and 284: were said to be found where tigers
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Page 287 and 288: family we interviewed could remembe
Page 289 and 290: ecological basis of the societies i
Page 291 and 292: However, our over-r id ing impress
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Page 297 and 298: N.R. Shrestha, 1982, 1985a, 1985b;
Page 299 and 300: usinesses were located near them, T
Page 301 and 302: Plate 26: Walking through the fores
Page 303 and 304: Adding to the sense of Basantapur a
Page 305 and 306: Plate 28: Sansare Mude bazaar Plate
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Page 309 and 310: Annual Fairs In addition to the reg
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Page 313 and 314: 8 Tapai- arth ffarnuhos (Promise yo
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Page 317 and 318: in the district. In our studies of
Page 319 and 320: clothing from abroad was much in ev
Page 321 and 322: friend of his. This annual military
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Page 325 and 326: everyone, As potential wage labour
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Page 333 and 334: and this, perhaps, made marriage ac
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Page 339 and 340: Sanskritizat ion had been part of Y
Page 341 and 342: Plate 30: Listening to music Plate
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students coming from some distance
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For students in ward 9, Okhre-Bhote
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The teachers also administered a sc
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the school. The curriculum followed
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see the spatial relationship betwee
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King Mahendra in 1960 after he accu
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Plate 32: Pradhen P8-c issuing citi
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Outside, people started getting exc
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muscle with regard to its de jure c
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after festivals and somewhat lackad
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As well as the ANM, a students' ass
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Ths school was a central forum for
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of the po!itical struggle, despite
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the ambiguously regarded superpower
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of their shop with stout wooden pla
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section looks briefly at how these
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for individuals within the prevaili
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particular ward, Books and other me
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e overturned: the visiting BNMT wor
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wondered whether everyone was likel
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that, with his influence, a nascent
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Newang, President of the Front. (Hi
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I argued, are particu!arly pertinen
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Yakha, I have produced a text which
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Kathmandu where she enrolled in Eng
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a'wa a a achia ach~ tamum ach~ tapu
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ha emabu bhasnik bhusudna ca came c
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dukka mene jogan duna duna du-ru Da
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i , kma i , mma ka 'nir~o kacek kam
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leema lesnchi le.pma le,kma le*r]ma
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Plate 35: The Maya Khola valley
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pha 'me phak pharog phamne pha* bu
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uc un ucumphakr]a uha uhaoma ukma u
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Appendix I1 Interview Schedule (The
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Annual production: rice, maize, mil
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adhikary, K. R, 1988,
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Brown, C. H. 1984. Languages and Li
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Doherty, V. S. 1975. Kinship and Ec
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Hitchcock, J , 1961, A Nepalese hil
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--- 1986b. Human Imapct on Some For
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Orlove, B. S. 1980. Ecological Anth
Page 430 and 431:
Shrestha, K. 1984. Nepal i Names fo
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White, L.A, 1959. TheEvolutfon of C
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