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THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT IN ...

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migration, Those villages and families which have had members serving<br />

in the British and Indian armies for the past one hundred and fifty<br />

years would have a long tradition of migration, and probably highly<br />

favorable at t it udes towards i t . Other vi 1 lages whose members have had<br />

no military experience, because they were not from desirable ethnic<br />

groups, would have no tradition of migration".<br />

3. It is curious that so few of these shops and tea shops were run by<br />

Yakha. A few wealthier Yakha men had constructed buildings in<br />

Basantapur and Sansare Mude which they rented out to others for business<br />

purposes. During our time in Tamaphok a Yakha primary school teacher<br />

took over the small general store next to the panc6vat off ice which was<br />

in competition with the Brahmin-operated tea shop. This, and the shop<br />

in Ssnsare Mude, appeared to be notable except ions to what most people<br />

agreed with me was the rule amongst Yakha of not liking to run shops.<br />

Various possible ressons were given for this lack of interest: lack of<br />

business sense was one, lsck of capital another. Neither of these<br />

explanations seemed very plausible to us. We wondered whether there<br />

could be s more deep-seated cultural prejudice against selling goods for<br />

cash, or feeling a servant to one's shop (after the myth of Lalubha~ and<br />

Palubhaq given in Chapter Five).<br />

4, For diagrams of the layout of some markets in the eastern hills, see<br />

Ssgan t (1968- 1969: 96).<br />

5. According to Sagant (1968-9: 91), the distinguishing feature of a<br />

mela is its religious pretext. However, while there probably had been a<br />

religious element to the various local me16 at one time, it was not<br />

known or commented on by our Yakha friends in Tamaphok.<br />

6, The following story was re!ated to us to explain why there were very<br />

few rice dance verses in Yakha. Once upon a time there was a<br />

competition between the Yakhas and Limbus, held by the gods at the<br />

bazaar, At a given moment, the gods threw all the possible verses from<br />

the sky. The Limbu held out a thunse (a large, finely woven basket used<br />

for washing millet, pronounced thumse in Yakha) and caught a large<br />

number of verses. The Yakha held out a Doko (a large, loosely woven<br />

open basket), and almost all their verses fell through the holes and<br />

were lost.<br />

7, Pokhrel et a1 (2040 V.S.: 1129) describe r6-ke as a traditional<br />

festival and fair of the Tamang, Magar, Rsi and Limbu. It would be<br />

useful to have comparative material on other similar fairs.<br />

8. Cf. Allen (1987:26): "An almost proverbial comment made to outsiders<br />

is that hill life is arduous (dukhi N.) because to eat one must plough<br />

and carry losds; at the birth of a male child in Mukli a miniature<br />

plough may be made to symbolise the life of toil that lies ahead".<br />

9. Poffenberger concludes that "migration is a result primarily of<br />

economic needs, particular!^ the need for cash which can purchase<br />

consumer goods which, in turn, are a reflection of the rising standard<br />

of living of hill people over the past one hundred years or so"<br />

(1980:66). For Gurung, by contrast, "out-migration from rural areas

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