THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT IN ...

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where a choice is shown, the higher rates were generally paid, but it was acknowledged that lower rates were paid elsewhere in Tamaphok. If one could not afford to pay the wage rate, one could 'pay1 by sending members of one's own household to work for others. Once a work debt was paid off, either with labour, cash or grain, there was no obligation to other parties in the w. Activity Payment (NRs) Weeding around maize (makai ~oDnu) Scraping paddy sides (t6chnu) Rice planting/harvesting (dhi3n ro?ne/k&Tne) Wood cutting (dgurii k6Tne) Breaking up lumps in fields (Da 1 lo phornu) Wood carrying (d6ur6 bokne) Repairing field ridges (61 i/Di 1 liiune) Ploughing (ha1 jotne) Fig. 5.5 Stated rates for parma in Tamaphok Food 10 snack (kh8j6) This said, parma was something different from straightforward work for a wage 1 such as labourers might be paid for construction work or porteringo Mainly this was due to the food commitments which went with parma. For instance, a 'snack' could be variously interpreted. If out in the fields, the norm was to have cuha and some I I I I# #I II I( I 15 I1 I no fixed rate I I1 II 15-20 I 30- 40 1 I snack I1 (dB 1 bh6 t ) t t 11 I1 1 .
kind of previously cooked snack food such as roasted soya beans, maize, chestnuts or broken rice, and a pickle (m). If working closer to home, the To1 i might come back at 3.00 pm or so for a more substantial snack of, perhaps, camre (boiled rice fried with ghee, garlic and turmeric), pickle and cuha, The food given would inevitably vary in quality depending on the relative affluence of the person employing the parma workers, and again it seemed there was some effort made by the wealthy to be generous in their distribution of food to poorer T U members, particularly kin. Children of working mothers might disappear while the parma work was in progress, but would almost instinctively reappear at snack time. They would also expect to receive a share of parma food and drink, The payments were only marginally related to the effort expended in doing the work, For example, repairing the ridges around fields could be intermittently heavy work, but it was really nothing compared to persistently strenuous activities such as maize weeding and rice planting, Rather the payments were related to the sexual divislon of labour, since men were likely to be the ridge repairers and women the rice planters, The most lucrative parma work for a woman was carrying wood (which was an activity open to both sexes). In the case of ploughing, the higher rate also reflected the capital value of a pair of oxen, which were said to be worth about 1,500 NRs (about £30) each, and the plough and other equipment which had to be maintained. Other castes/ethnic groups could participate in parma groups, but rarely did so because the Yakha part of Tamaphok was so ethnically homogenous. The only group close enough realistically to take part were the untouchables. They were sometimes Involved, but there were problems
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THE YAKHA: CULTURE, ENVIRONMENT AND
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Dedicated to the memory of MART IN
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Without the funding of the ESRC it
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CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE: Searching for
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CHAPTER SEVEN: Other Worlds: Inside
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List of Plates After Page P!ate 1:
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, Map I: Nepal, showing location of
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March 1989 and October 1990, in the
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to be social?", friends asked. "Enc
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people whom the project was designe
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was no reason why SEADD (who liked
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presence of institutions at the loc
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I did have the opportunity to under
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(Map 2). We decided to make Kathman
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felt I had scored a small victory o
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Chainpur (see Map 3). It was on the
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primary level teacher at the Tamaph
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quest ions concerned wi th language
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p 5: KHARDEP map of Tamaphok penchy
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to visit during the day. Our own da
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learn the Yakha language, our progr
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week into his palm to cover the ext
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make enquiries. I found out about a
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a research assistant after school.
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to collect a VSO (Voluntary Service
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towns). Demonstrations and strikes
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post-mortem exemfnations could be c
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Kathmandu and elsewhere, and there
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sending to Kathmandu, a lucky find
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Our return to Tamaphok after this w
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een his concern: ie there has been
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of the ncrude distinction between '
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with their environment' ) and ask w
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Notes: Chapter One 1. I should expl
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higher administrators in Europe, mi
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Chapter Two: Ecological Anthropolog
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despite long-term involvement in th
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This chapter looks at how many of t
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Poffenberger (1980) sees a direct a
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The major variable which Macfarlane
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the mindless instigators of denudat
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ather than regularities in the phen
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contradict ions" (Ellen, 1979b: 21,
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position which is too broad to be u
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Steward was predated by Meggers (19
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value of an ecosystemic approach in
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small population may be more adapti
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describes as ' mangeurs du bois' [e
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Rappaport thus argues for the need
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eing trivial and dealing only with
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What we have, then, is ecological a
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Others have suggested that there ma
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were unique is to deny an answer to
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1987:86>. Sometimes identity derive
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and funeral and other ritual obliga
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suggests. Varioari for the Yakha wo
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Plate 7: Yakha woman, Kami boy Plat
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Certainly Yakha identity, their sen
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Bahadur one day; "doesn't it smell
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inland, and came into contact with
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land amongst kinsmen and adjudicati
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part. We shall then go on to look a
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settlers was from a pattern of shif
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PanciWa t Ankhibhui Maml i ng Tamap
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At the local level, the figures for
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P6-c Khap~ar (1 it, 'Five Skulls' )
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etween the two tribes were to be ta
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greater extreme the Yakha of Kingri
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People did not seem unduly perturbe
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take food, and to whom one could gi
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However, despite the influence of c
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1979:53). We were told of two other
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circumspection, A particularly stro
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striking in terms of the dichotomy
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ut never eaten. It should be noted
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Dasai-, TihBr, S8un San.krBnti, M B
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splattered with whitewash, and it o
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its scrupulous egalitarianism in ap
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In preparation, a large square of c
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practitioner) stepped forward and d
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Tihtir, their distinctive smell bei
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Plate 12: The predh6n v6-c gives Ti
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marked, clockwise from top left, wi
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e honoured, and proceeding through
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would tend to make feeble excuses a
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ice and dahi which had been the mar
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also served. The house was speciall
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there was no simple 'melting pot' a
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not at the material level conceived
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although it has been observed among
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amongst the more sophisticated memb
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Yakha came into Tamaphok in search
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muntum were essentially the same, w
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Sagant (1976:58) admits that "in th
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There were few specific things mark
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arkhi had to be of a different chor
Page 198 and 199: Plate 16: Chambog dh6ri5 in the mid
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Page 202 and 203: pointing down. The next stage was c
Page 204: The story of O'B'mi was told to us
Page 207 and 208: of Tenbe'na was recited as follows:
Page 209 and 210: such as me,ca cydtj, which were sai
Page 211 and 212: and Yasokeni, all played to in a ba
Page 213 and 214: y the religious practitioners who t
Page 215 and 216: 2. Cf, A1 len: "When I arrived in t
Page 217 and 218: 5.2 The Yakha House The house in wh
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Page 221 and 222: me Porch The porch (omphu) mediated
Page 223 and 224: in this. People would put small wov
Page 225 and 226: to a terrace (Plate 20) which overl
Page 227 and 228: 21). Ground level was part animal e
Page 229 and 230: clans, lineages and familial roles.
Page 231 and 232: clan. Yet one five-year old girl si
Page 233 and 234: Despite the origins of the relation
Page 235 and 236: are no women mentioned apart from K
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Page 239 and 240: number of relationships covered by
Page 241 and 242: strife and tension. Quite often the
Page 243 and 244: situation was often only a temporar
Page 245 and 246: 5.4 The Household Economy The expec
Page 247: labourers'). Some distinction betwe
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Page 253 and 254: een the collaboration of groups of
Page 255 and 256: Loans, Debts and Indigency We ident
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Page 261 and 262: Kirsten Johnson and her col leagues
Page 263 and 264: karele variety grown lower down, an
Page 265 and 266: also said to keep plants such as du
Page 267 and 268: whereby people and goods came into,
Page 269 and 270: and September, before the rice plan
Page 271 and 272: few weeks ear!ier during Dasai-> to
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Page 275 and 276: y performing a pul to pokta cyao in
Page 277 and 278: when his parents died, was granted
Page 279 and 280: trees served as an important fodder
Page 281 and 282: valley). There was at that time no
Page 283 and 284: were said to be found where tigers
Page 285 and 286: causes of forest depletion. Many pe
Page 287 and 288: family we interviewed could remembe
Page 289 and 290: ecological basis of the societies i
Page 291 and 292: However, our over-r id ing impress
Page 293 and 294: 3. The surprise which some anthropo
Page 295 and 296: Chapter Seven: Inside-Out: Other Wo
Page 297 and 298: N.R. Shrestha, 1982, 1985a, 1985b;
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usinesses were located near them, T
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Plate 26: Walking through the fores
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Adding to the sense of Basantapur a
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Plate 28: Sansare Mude bazaar Plate
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Khola valley and to the Himalaya, a
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Annual Fairs In addition to the reg
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verses, these were not generally kn
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8 Tapai- arth ffarnuhos (Promise yo
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problems, The fundamental importanc
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in the district. In our studies of
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clothing from abroad was much in ev
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friend of his. This annual military
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Pakistan war and remembered the con
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everyone, As potential wage labour
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service and bought land in the same
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money paid agents in Kathmandu who
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people concerned, and how the outsi
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and this, perhaps, made marriage ac
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jerked by the strings of broader so
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is ...p rimarily due to the growth
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Sanskritizat ion had been part of Y
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Plate 30: Listening to music Plate
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as a backwater, everyone agreed tha
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students coming from some distance
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For students in ward 9, Okhre-Bhote
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The teachers also administered a sc
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the school. The curriculum followed
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see the spatial relationship betwee
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King Mahendra in 1960 after he accu
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Plate 32: Pradhen P8-c issuing citi
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Outside, people started getting exc
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muscle with regard to its de jure c
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after festivals and somewhat lackad
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As well as the ANM, a students' ass
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Ths school was a central forum for
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of the po!itical struggle, despite
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the ambiguously regarded superpower
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of their shop with stout wooden pla
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section looks briefly at how these
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for individuals within the prevaili
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particular ward, Books and other me
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e overturned: the visiting BNMT wor
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wondered whether everyone was likel
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that, with his influence, a nascent
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Newang, President of the Front. (Hi
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I argued, are particu!arly pertinen
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Yakha, I have produced a text which
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Kathmandu where she enrolled in Eng
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a'wa a a achia ach~ tamum ach~ tapu
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ha emabu bhasnik bhusudna ca came c
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dukka mene jogan duna duna du-ru Da
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i , kma i , mma ka 'nir~o kacek kam
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leema lesnchi le.pma le,kma le*r]ma
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Plate 35: The Maya Khola valley
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pha 'me phak pharog phamne pha* bu
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uc un ucumphakr]a uha uhaoma ukma u
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Appendix I1 Interview Schedule (The
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Annual production: rice, maize, mil
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Adhikary, K. R, 1988,
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Brown, C. H. 1984. Languages and Li
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Doherty, V. S. 1975. Kinship and Ec
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Hitchcock, J , 1961, A Nepalese hil
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--- 1986b. Human Imapct on Some For
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Orlove, B. S. 1980. Ecological Anth
Page 430 and 431:
Shrestha, K. 1984. Nepal i Names fo
Page 432:
White, L.A, 1959. TheEvolutfon of C
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