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Greece - US Department of State

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<strong>Greece</strong> 705<br />

some <strong>of</strong> the others, would attempt to raise the Greek question, arguing<br />

that the question <strong>of</strong> military assistance to <strong>Greece</strong> is basically political<br />

in nature and that it is not possible to ignore public opinion in their<br />

countries on the issue. Even if the Greek question itself did not come<br />

before NATO, the side effects <strong>of</strong> indirect attacks in proposed communiqué<br />

language, in ministerial statements and in corridor discussions<br />

would dominate these two meetings and effectively prevent progress<br />

on other matters. We could in effect anticipate Donnybrooks and expose<br />

the U.S. Delegations to highly emotional debates.<br />

3. Adverse Effects on a possible Spanish Link to NATO<br />

Preliminary discussions have already made it clear that our attempts<br />

to further a Spanish link to NATO will be handicapped, if at<br />

the same time the Greek question becomes active because <strong>of</strong> the resumption<br />

<strong>of</strong> shipment <strong>of</strong> heavy arms. Some NATO Members believe<br />

that to have both the Greek issue and the Spanish link prominent unduly<br />

emphasizes the issue <strong>of</strong> NATO’s relationship to “dictatorships.”<br />

For the near future, it appears wise to s<strong>of</strong>t pedal the Greek issue if we<br />

wish to promote acceptance <strong>of</strong> a NATO relationship to Spain.<br />

4. Modalities <strong>of</strong> handling a Decision to resume Arms Shipments to <strong>Greece</strong><br />

a) NATO Consultation: If we consult our NATO colleagues, we must<br />

take it for granted that much—or most—<strong>of</strong> the advice given will be negative.<br />

A NATO endorsement <strong>of</strong> our resuming arms shipments to <strong>Greece</strong><br />

will be out <strong>of</strong> the question. Therefore, to consult in the North Atlantic<br />

Council would cause difficulties. If resumption is decided, however, the<br />

Allies, as a matter <strong>of</strong> courtesy, should be informed in advance.<br />

b) U.S. Announcement to NATO that it intended to resume Arms Shipments:<br />

If we were to inform but not consult our NATO colleagues <strong>of</strong> our<br />

intention to resume arms shipments, we would, <strong>of</strong> course, relieve them<br />

<strong>of</strong> any responsibility for our decision. Attracting to ourselves the lightning<br />

in this way would not, however, really spare NATO, since in a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> Western European countries criticism <strong>of</strong> the U.S. tends to<br />

spill over into general criticism <strong>of</strong> NATO because <strong>of</strong> the dominant role<br />

<strong>of</strong> the U.S. in NATO, accusations that the U.S. does not take into account<br />

the wishes <strong>of</strong> its NATO partners in the formulation <strong>of</strong> its policies,<br />

and finally, accusations that NATO is a U.S. tool in the latter’s<br />

support <strong>of</strong> dictatorships and “repressive” policies. However, this<br />

course would be less difficult than to consult.<br />

c) Timing to minimize adverse Consequences for U.S. Policy in NATO:<br />

As indicated above, it is imperative that no announcements be made<br />

about the possible resumption <strong>of</strong> heavy military equipment deliveries<br />

before the NATO meetings scheduled now for May 26–27 and June 11.<br />

Laying the groundwork with our NATO colleagues before those dates<br />

could bring on the very discussion we wish to avoid.

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