Greece - US Department of State
Greece - US Department of State
Greece - US Department of State
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<strong>Greece</strong> 611<br />
have been inclined to treat what’s going on in <strong>Greece</strong> now as a temporary<br />
and illegitimate departure from some democratic norm (and it<br />
might well be asked here: what democratic norm?), as a sort <strong>of</strong> shabby<br />
political aberration to be replaced by something better as soon as possible.<br />
Whereas this interpretation is doubtless objectively correct, from<br />
Papadopoulos & Company’s subjective viewpoint, it is not only erroneous<br />
but keenly resented. (I know I’m sounding suspiciously like a<br />
confirmed Regime apologist at this point, Dan, but please hear me out.)<br />
Papadopoulos obviously regards his revolution as a desirable and necessary<br />
stage in <strong>Greece</strong>’s political evolution to something better and<br />
more stable; and in order to achieve this greater good, (in his eyes),<br />
some price and sacrifice, in terms <strong>of</strong> temporary restraints on the past<br />
degree <strong>of</strong> liberty enjoyed in <strong>Greece</strong> (which he clearly regards as excessive<br />
to the point <strong>of</strong> being pernicious), are not only justified but beneficial.<br />
Meanwhile, our approach to him has been to act as though the<br />
whole enterprise, both means and ends were bad and misguided and<br />
should therefore be got over as rapidly as possible. While we may well<br />
be right (although a number <strong>of</strong> points here could be interestingly argued,<br />
such as the effect <strong>of</strong> the return to complete freedom <strong>of</strong> the<br />
press in <strong>Greece</strong>—on a possible Cyprus settlement, for example), Papadopoulos<br />
is convinced that he’s right, and since he’s in control <strong>of</strong><br />
the country it behooves us, for tactical, if for no other reasons, to make<br />
some concession to his viewpoint. The added fact that we do not ourselves<br />
have any specific formula for a more successful political future<br />
in <strong>Greece</strong> to propose (and indeed would probably be well advised to<br />
keep out <strong>of</strong> the business <strong>of</strong> telling the Greeks what sort <strong>of</strong> government<br />
they should have) reenforces, in my opinion, the importance <strong>of</strong> at least<br />
acting toward Papadopoulos & Company as though we recognized<br />
some justification in what he is trying to do. Obviously we’re not going<br />
to accept the legitimacy <strong>of</strong> government based on force (and over<br />
the long run I’m not sure that he does either), and are certainly correct<br />
in pointing out to him the fundamental advantages <strong>of</strong> government-bythe-consent-<strong>of</strong>-the-governed.<br />
A definite time element is moreover involved in this whole process<br />
which, I think, must also be taken into account. As the lives <strong>of</strong> governments<br />
go, this one has only been in undisputed control <strong>of</strong> the country<br />
for just over a year now (since December 13, 1967), 11 which is not<br />
a very long time as historical perspective goes. The Metaxas dictatorship,<br />
as I recall, lasted for over four years. 12 The feeling that they need<br />
11 Reference is to King Constantine’s attempted counter-coup against the junta.<br />
12 General and Prime Minister Ioannis Metaxas seized power in August 1936 with<br />
the support <strong>of</strong> then King George II. He held power until his death in February 1941. A<br />
successor government was subsequently driven into exile in May 1941 by the German<br />
invasion <strong>of</strong> <strong>Greece</strong>.