Greece - US Department of State
Greece - US Department of State
Greece - US Department of State
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<strong>Greece</strong> 643<br />
<strong>Greece</strong>, willy-nilly, continues to play a necessary role. I can hardly<br />
imagine that responsible NATO member governments like the British,<br />
the Germans, and certainly the French, would tax us too severely for<br />
contributing to adequate Greek military preparedness, however unsatisfactory<br />
a government the country may have.<br />
A U.S. decision to restore the full Greek MAP will unquestionably<br />
have to be matched by a parallel decision to make clear to the GOG<br />
that this move is based essentially on military and strategic considerations,<br />
and does not signify U.S. approval <strong>of</strong> their internal policies. (The<br />
formula we used in October 1968 <strong>of</strong> “remaining no less interested in<br />
constitutional progress” is still a perfectly useable one, in my view.)<br />
There will be no problem about doing this privately in conversation between<br />
Ambassador Tasca and Prime Minister Papadopoulos, or between<br />
the Ambassador and other ranking members <strong>of</strong> the Junta. The<br />
trick will be to get this key point over to the internal Greek Opposition<br />
and to the exercised parties in our Congress and in NATO. This might<br />
well call for a public statement, depending on whether the GOG tries<br />
to distort the significance <strong>of</strong> the decision. Or if we don’t want to go this<br />
far, there are several other means (press backgrounders, planted queries,<br />
etc.) <strong>of</strong> disseminating our position. I would personally favor a somewhat<br />
bolder and firmer stand in this respect than we have taken in the<br />
past, for, despite our frequent assertions that we continue to “press” the<br />
GOG to make democratic progress, the pressure has been largely private<br />
and pretty mild. In sum, it should not exceed our ingenuity to devise<br />
some formula which would achieve the twin purpose <strong>of</strong> getting<br />
out from under the disadvantages <strong>of</strong> continuing the MAP suspension,<br />
and at the same time <strong>of</strong> indicating forcefully that the type <strong>of</strong> friendly<br />
and cooperative relations between <strong>Greece</strong> and the United <strong>State</strong>s which<br />
we desire will continue to depend on further movement in <strong>Greece</strong> toward<br />
representative government. This would be easier to do, I think, if<br />
we had signified our confidence in them militarily.<br />
Let me turn briefly now to the tactical side <strong>of</strong> the picture. I think<br />
it’s very important that Ambassador Tasca be given the maximum<br />
leverage from the outset; and even if a decision to restore the MAP<br />
should have been taken before he arrives in Athens, this ought to be<br />
withheld temporarily from the GOG. He should indicate to them early<br />
in his talks that the final decision on this important matter will depend<br />
on the recommendations he makes to the President and Secretary <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>State</strong> after he has had an opportunity to review the whole question sur<br />
place. I believe the Ambassador ought, however, to be in a position to<br />
assure the Greeks that a definite decision will be reached by some specific,<br />
early date, such as December 1. I have serious misgivings about<br />
trying to string the GOG along much further, and certainly not beyond<br />
the end <strong>of</strong> the year at the latest. I would suppose, incidentally, that the<br />
business <strong>of</strong> Ambassador Tasca’s confirmation by the Senate, (given Sen-