Greece - US Department of State
Greece - US Department of State
Greece - US Department of State
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608 Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume XXIX<br />
persists in certain <strong>of</strong> its foolish and short-sighted policies such as indiscriminate<br />
borrowing at high interest rates to improve its balance <strong>of</strong><br />
payments image. It will also have to guard very carefully against inflation<br />
which, paradoxically, could become a threat if confidence in the<br />
economy is restored to the extent that a boom in consumers spending<br />
takes place with the money now being cautiously held. But the economic<br />
oligarchy (and this represents a significant power factor in<br />
<strong>Greece</strong>) has unmistakably cast its lot with the regime and, for obvious<br />
reasons, is not going to try to undermine it (unless the Government<br />
tries to promote really radical, share-the-wealth schemes). We have the<br />
large projected Onassis investment, meanwhile, together with a concerted<br />
effort on the part <strong>of</strong> the GOG, <strong>of</strong>fering concessions that no previous<br />
government has been willing to make, to attract the money <strong>of</strong><br />
other wealthy Greek shipping operators. Quite conceivably this could<br />
succeed. Even Litton’s investments seem at long last to be picking up. 8<br />
And underlying these more striking economic indicators, the everyday<br />
things that matter to the bulk <strong>of</strong> the Greek population, such as the consumer<br />
goods price level, the absence <strong>of</strong> labor unrest and better treatment<br />
at the hands <strong>of</strong> the bureaucracy, remain not only tolerable, but<br />
probably more favorable than before April 1967.<br />
As we all realize, at the same time, there are a variety <strong>of</strong> imponderables<br />
in the Greek equation—the Colonels’ painful lack <strong>of</strong> a sense<br />
<strong>of</strong> humor, their public relations ineptitudes, their streak <strong>of</strong> anti-intellectual<br />
vindictiveness, their patronizing conviction that they know<br />
what’s best for the Greek people in all respects, and the confused,<br />
pseudo-ideological pronouncements <strong>of</strong> the leader himself that pass for<br />
policy blueprints—all <strong>of</strong> which, if not tempered or corrected, could end<br />
by working against the Government. These must, however, be reorganized<br />
[recognized] for what they are: largely secondary, psychological<br />
manifestations that undoubtedly grate on the intellectuals but are<br />
hardly <strong>of</strong> a nature to rally people to counter-revolutionary barricades.<br />
One has to be careful not to lose sight <strong>of</strong> the forest for the trees!<br />
In summary, there are, to the best <strong>of</strong> our knowledge, no present or<br />
prospective internal developments, either political, economic or military,<br />
<strong>of</strong> a nature to seriously threaten or unseat the Papadopoulos government.<br />
The persistence <strong>of</strong> this situation, naturally, will depend on the<br />
regime becoming progressively less, rather than more oppressive, and<br />
on the maintenance <strong>of</strong> tolerable economic conditions. Yet it is fair to<br />
say, I believe, that Papadopoulos is smart enough to recognize these<br />
needs himself and the corresponding importance <strong>of</strong> working toward<br />
8 In May 1967 Litton Industries announced that it had signed an agreement with<br />
the Greek Government to promote economic development in Crete and the western<br />
Peloponnesus.