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Mental health policy and practice across Europe: an overview

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44 <strong>Mental</strong> <strong>health</strong> <strong>policy</strong> <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> <strong>practice</strong><br />

<strong>an</strong>nual hum<strong>an</strong> rights report that included, for the first time in 2003, a chapter<br />

on the rights of disabled people.<br />

This determination is evident culturally as well as politically. As part of the<br />

<strong>Europe</strong><strong>an</strong> Year of Disabled People 2003, <strong>an</strong> Austri<strong>an</strong> disability org<strong>an</strong>ization<br />

developed a project to commemorate resist<strong>an</strong>ce to the Nazi so-called ‘euth<strong>an</strong>asia’<br />

programmes. At Schloss Hartheim in Upper Austria 70,000 people with<br />

psychiatric or learning disabilities, criminals, prostitutes <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> orph<strong>an</strong>s were<br />

murdered <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong>/or used for experiments. A few people spoke out courageously<br />

against this, including architect Herbert Eichholzer, sculptor Walter Ritter<br />

<strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> painter Anna Neum<strong>an</strong>n. In 1943 Eichholzer was killed for his resist<strong>an</strong>ce<br />

activities <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> Neum<strong>an</strong>n imprisoned. In 2003, Klump wooden toys, designed by<br />

Eichholzer <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> Ritter <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> painted by Neum<strong>an</strong>n, were made again, this time by<br />

people with learning disabilities, thereby giving a powerful symbolic message<br />

on the import<strong>an</strong>ce of resist<strong>an</strong>ce.<br />

However, where inclusion activities have focused only on improving the<br />

rights of the least powerful – for inst<strong>an</strong>ce, challenging coercive mental <strong>health</strong><br />

laws – progress has generally been slow, <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> has certainly not extended beyond<br />

the institutions in which people are incarcerated. A society is more likely to<br />

stop treating classes of people inhum<strong>an</strong>ely when that group comes to be seen<br />

as equals. Then a new spotlight may be thrown on laws <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> <strong>practice</strong>s that<br />

degrade them. As Nelson M<strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong>ela put it in relation to prisons, ‘prison conditions<br />

would not ch<strong>an</strong>ge until the country ch<strong>an</strong>ged’ (M<strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong>ela 1995). As long<br />

as the public perception is that mental <strong>health</strong> service users are ‘psychos’ there<br />

will be little public outcry. The challenge is to go beyond objecting to gross<br />

abuses – import<strong>an</strong>t as that is – <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> push forward, for the positive benefits of<br />

participation.<br />

Evidence also tells us that because discrimination is a persistent phenomenon,<br />

attempts to counter it in one area merely me<strong>an</strong> it pops up again in<br />

<strong>an</strong>other guise, like a m<strong>an</strong>y-headed hydra (Link <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> Phel<strong>an</strong> 2001). Initiatives<br />

need to be multi-faceted <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> multi-level.<br />

Reducing discrimination <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> exclusion<br />

Link <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> Phel<strong>an</strong> (2001: 367) argue that ‘stigma’ (discrimination), 2 ‘is entirely<br />

dependent on social, economic <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> political power’. This has huge implications<br />

for determining which approaches <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> types of programme are most likely to<br />

create ch<strong>an</strong>ge. They argue that it is not enough to label <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> disparage <strong>an</strong>other<br />

group for them to become ‘stigmatized’: psychiatric service users may label<br />

some clinici<strong>an</strong>s ‘pill pushers’ <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> treat them differently from other clinici<strong>an</strong>s.<br />

This does not make these clinici<strong>an</strong>s a stigmatized group, because patients ‘simply<br />

do not possess the social, cultural, economic <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> political power to make<br />

their cognitions about staff have serious discriminatory consequences’.<br />

Anti-discrimination work must either ch<strong>an</strong>ge the deeply-held attitudes <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong><br />

beliefs of powerful groups that lead to labelling, stereotyping, setting apart,<br />

devaluing <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> discriminating; or it must limit the power of such groups<br />

(Link <strong><strong>an</strong>d</strong> Phel<strong>an</strong> 2001); or both (Sayce 2003).<br />

The problem with much <strong>an</strong>ti-stigma work in <strong>Europe</strong> is that it has not

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