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176 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2016 the links in the causal chain between transparency, citizen action, and state action can break down if these factors are not aligned. How credible, salient, and comprehensible is the information to citizens? 80 How willing and able are citizens to act on the information individually or collectively? How effective are intermediary organizations—civil society, media, interest groups—to organize citizens or to lobby governments on their behalf? And most important, do state actors have the incentive and capacity for action, thereby “closing the loop”? Action and impact are more likely if the social accountability initiative is embedded in a citizen-state interface and synchronized with topdown government accountability initiatives. 81 Digital citizen voice initiatives for improving service delivery have multiplied rapidly, but no rigorous studies have evaluated their impact. An organizing framework is needed to classify these examples and draw the necessarily tentative conclusions about what is likely to work and under what conditions. 82 The focus here is on digital channels that are initiated by civil society organizations (CSOs) and donors to pressure governments, and that publicize the inputs provided by citizens so as to expose the behavior of service providers to public scrutiny. This analysis excludes government-initiated portals, which are more accurately characterized as user feedback mechanisms to improve service quality, and not as citizen empowerment or accountability initiatives, and which were discussed earlier. The analysis distinguishes 17 cases in 12 countries by whether the mechanism for expressing citizen preferences and views is individual or collective; whether the CSO or donor that led the initiative also had explicit partnerships with the concerned government; and whether there was also parallel offline mobilization accompanying the digital voice channel (table 3.3). Impact is measured in two ways: citizen Table 3.3 Classifying the digital citizen engagement cases Case Location Additional offline mobilization CSO partners with government Collective feedback Impact Citizen uptake Government response Por Mi Barrio Uruguay L H I Change My City India M H Lungisa South Africa L H Pressure Pan Brazil H M Rappler Philippines H M Change.org World H M U-report Uganda H L Huduma Kenya L L Daraja Maji Matone Tanzania L L FixMyStreet Georgia L L Check My School Philippines L L Barrios Digital Bolivia L L e-Chautari Nepal L L I Paid a Bribe India M L Mejora Tu Escuela Mexico L L Karnataka BVS India L L Sauti Za Wananchi Tanzania Source: WDR 2016 team, based on Peixoto and Fox 2015, for the WDR 2016. Note: Examples are arranged by degree of government response. CSO = civil society organization; L = low; M = medium; H = high. L L
DELIVERING SERVICES 177 uptake, given that uptake can be considered a necessary condition for government responsiveness; and government action to resolve the service issue, which is the ultimate objective of the citizen voice initiative. The criterion for selecting the cases is simple availability of information. The examples have received media and donor attention, and some data are available on citizen use of the channel and on government response. Of the 17 cases, 3 had high impact in terms of government responsiveness, 3 had medium impact, and 11 had low impact. All the high-impact examples involve partnerships between CSOs and government, suggesting that platforms that both channel citizen voice and link them to the government’s internal work order systems to efficiently address the complaints are more likely to succeed. For example, Por Mi Barrio in Uruguay and I Change My City in India, two successful CSO platforms, are connected to existing government complaint systems. That enables urban residents to report problems using both the CSO and the government channel, with the complaints and government responses displayed on a map, thus informing and validating the citizen action and naming and shaming the nonperforming government units. But not all initiatives involving government-CSO partnerships led to high responsiveness. For instance, I Paid a Bribe (India) and Check My School (Philippines) both had low impact. Seen together, these findings seem to suggest that while collaboration with government is not a sufficient condition for success, it may well be a necessary one. Another ingredient for success is effective offline mobilization, particularly because citizen uptake of the digital channels was low in most of the cases. 83 Online petitions on Change.org are more likely to be successful when sponsored by an organization, and citizen campaigns through Pressure Pan (Brazil) are three times more likely to succeed when supported by Pressure Pan staff. 84 Lungisa, a platform for Cape Town residents to report service delivery problems, involves significant follow-up by the CSO staff to ensure that the responsible government agency acts on the complaints. Rappler, a media and advocacy organization in the Philippines, combines media, technology, and the power of crowdsourcing to identify and amplify governance issues, with traditional citizen mobilization strategies using investigative journalists and social mobilizers. Rappler organizes community protests, the most dramatic one being the Philippines’s first protests organized with social media against a corruption scandal involving congressional discretionary funds. The eventual result: The Supreme Court declared these funds unconstitutional. 85 What stands out, though, is the high proportion of cases that have both low citizen uptake and low government response. Most of the cases that lacked partnerships between CSOs and governments were unsuccessful. Maji Matone (Tanzania), for example, received only 53 SMS messages during its first six months of operation, against an initial target of 3,000, and the mobile platform was abandoned. Other disappointments are Huduma (Kenya), 86 I Paid a Bribe (India), and Check My School (the Philippines). Despite high expectations, they have not generated much citizen uptake or government resolution of the reported problem—in some cases, despite government collaboration. Uganda’s U-report, perhaps the highest profile initiative, is an SMS-based platform that runs weekly polls with registered users (U-reporters) on issues ranging from child marriage to access to education, which are then both broadly disseminated and targeted to members of parliament for action. The platform has had considerable citizen uptake, but mostly by the more privileged groups. Of close to 300,000 U-reporters, nearly half have some university education, and one-quarter are government employees, raising questions about whose voices are being projected. 87 This high uptake has not led to any noticeable government action. Surveys of online political participation in the United States also find that better-off and more-educated citizens are more likely to participate in both online and offline political activities. 88 In sum, the success of digital citizen voice is conditional on willing and able policy makers, a collaborative approach with government, and significant offline activism by strong civil society organizations so that the collective voice of citizens can pressure governments. However, digital platforms can also enhance unaccountable governments’ capacity for surveillance and control (box 3.8). The gap between technology and institutions The internet largely, but not entirely, reinforces rather than replaces preexisting relationships of accountability between governments and citizens, and it complements rather than substitutes for existing government capabilities. The main explanation for the varying impact of digital technologies lies in the mismatch—or gap—between rapidly changing technology and slowly changing political and administrative institutions. Political institutions can
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A World Bank Group Flagship Report
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Contents xiii xv xix Foreword Ackno
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CONTENTS vii Boxes O.1 5 Frequently
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CONTENTS ix O.24 35 Digital safegua
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CONTENTS xi B3.8.1 178 Autocratic g
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Foreword We find ourselves in the m
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Acknowledgments This Report was pre
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS xvii Karl Chua, Mas
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xx ABBREVIATIONS GDP GIS GNI GPS GS
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xxii ABBREVIATIONS BFA Burkina Faso
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Inclusion Efficiency Innovation
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OVERVIEW 3 Figure O.1 Digital techn
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OVERVIEW 5 Box O.1 Frequently asked
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OVERVIEW 7 Map O.1 The internet is
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OVERVIEW 9 Figure O.6 The digital d
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OVERVIEW 11 This mechanism operates
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OVERVIEW 13 Figure O.10 The size of
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OVERVIEW 15 Box O.3 Bridging the di
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OVERVIEW 17 sector is thus challeng
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OVERVIEW 19 skills that help them b
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OVERVIEW 23 Figure O.18 From a tech
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OVERVIEW 25 governments and citizen
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OVERVIEW 27 Box O.6 Nailing Jell-O
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OVERVIEW 29 as well as higher secur
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OVERVIEW 35 Box O.12 Can continuous
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OVERVIEW 37 Box O.13 European Union
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OVERVIEW 39 29. Data for 2014 of ne
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OVERVIEW 41 OECD (Organisation for
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HOW THE INTERNET PROMOTES DEVELOPME
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 51 varies with
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 53 Map 1.1 Many
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 67 goods tradin
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 71 it to manage
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 81 regulatory b
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 83 fixed effect
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 85 71. Cirera,
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 87 Economic Per
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ACCELERATING GROWTH 89 Washington,
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AGRICULTURE 91 Figure F1.1 Introduc
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SECTORAL POLICIES 233 US$74 million
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SECTORAL POLICIES 237 Kende, Michae
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NATIONAL PRIORITIES 249 • Rising
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NATIONAL PRIORITIES 251 schools, ho
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