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214 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2016<br />

• Technological solutions are emerging that promise a fresh<br />

approach to rural broadband. From drones to balloons<br />

to nanosats, there is no shortage of inventive solutions<br />

to providing wide area coverage. But these<br />

new technologies will need to leverage the physical<br />

and market infrastructure that the cellular mobile<br />

industry has built in order to become commercially<br />

viable and achieve scale. And efforts to bring new<br />

technology will have to be complemented by more<br />

efficient use of spectrum, such as spread spectrum<br />

and digital dividend spectrum, which releases for<br />

cellular commercial use the highly valuable spectrum<br />

(for instance, in the 700 MHz band previously<br />

used for terrestrial TV broadcasts), and in the “white<br />

spaces” between digital channels. These spectrum<br />

bands have wider coverage and are therefore ideal<br />

for rural areas.<br />

Managing spectrum and other scarce<br />

resources<br />

Managing scarce resources—such as numbers, rightsof-way,<br />

and especially spectrum—presents regulatory<br />

challenges. Policy makers are turning to market<br />

mechanisms, such as auctions, to deliver the best outcomes,<br />

and this can result in lower prices and higher<br />

growth, as in Guatemala (see box 4.6). More flexible<br />

approaches to spectrum sharing between services, use<br />

of spectrum-hopping technologies, and refarming of<br />

spectrum will also help. But demand for bandwidth,<br />

and thus also for spectrum, continues to grow rapidly,<br />

especially as video entertainment shifts from television<br />

sets to mobile devices. By 2020, around 2 GHz<br />

of total spectrum will be needed in major markets<br />

for cellular services. 59 Today, most developing countries<br />

have only around 500 MHz allocated, and some<br />

have less than 300 MHz. 60 Spectrum availability and<br />

allocation is one of the factors determining the future<br />

wealth of nations, and governments will have a vital<br />

role in maximizing the benefits from this resource.<br />

The internet brings new challenges for allocating<br />

scarce resources, including domain names and the<br />

transition to longer (IPv6) addresses. While spectrum<br />

and numbers are regulated primarily by the public<br />

sector—internationally by the ITU and nationally by<br />

government ministries or regulators—domain names<br />

and IP addresses are controlled almost entirely by the<br />

Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers<br />

(ICANN), a California not-for-profit corporation,<br />

and the entities to which it subcontracts. The management<br />

of top-level domain names, such as .org and<br />

.com, IP addresses, and even country code domains,<br />

such as .za (South Africa), generally is not the provenance<br />

of government regulation. Their regulation<br />

is a complex matter, involving contract rights with<br />

private parties and not administrative fiat. But the<br />

natural shortage of attractive, or easy to remember,<br />

domain names creates opportunities for profiteering.<br />

ICT prices are falling . . .<br />

The trend toward declining prices in the ICT sector<br />

has been a long-term and predictable driver of<br />

growth. For hardware, it is encapsulated in the prediction<br />

made by Gordon Moore, the cofounder of<br />

Intel, in a 1965 paper that the number of transistors<br />

in an integrated circuit would double about every two<br />

years, with consequent improvement in price and<br />

performance. 61 For memory storage, this means that,<br />

in 2014, a typical price to store a gigabyte of data was<br />

just 3 U.S. cents, whereas 20 years earlier it was more<br />

than US$500. 62 Similar rates of progress are observable<br />

in the unit price of computer processing power<br />

and in the availability and price of bandwidth 63 (figure<br />

4.1). Manufacturers have, to some extent, compensated<br />

for this by building greater functionality into<br />

devices for the same price. But as they have started to<br />

chase mass markets, device prices have also started to<br />

fall—since 2011 for smartphones, and earlier for older<br />

technologies such as laptops and televisions. Smartphones,<br />

with more computing power than NASA had<br />

at the time of the moonshots, can now be purchased<br />

for less than US$40 (although the typical cost is much<br />

higher), and it is forecast that, by 2020, 80 percent of<br />

adults around the world will own one. 64<br />

Predictable, rapid price declines create an interesting<br />

dynamic: it is possible to foresee, with reasonable<br />

accuracy, at what point services and devices will flip<br />

from narrow to mass markets, as the price of ownership<br />

and use falls. But there is a tendency to overestimate<br />

the effect of a technology in the short term and<br />

to underestimate its effects in the long. 65 This may<br />

in part explain why the initial impact of the internet<br />

caused a catastrophic swing in the markets, starting<br />

around 1997 and peaking in March 2000, since known<br />

as the dot-com bubble. The aspirations of many of the<br />

startups of the time—like Broadcast.com, an internet<br />

radio company, or Pets.com, an e-commerce supplier—<br />

simply could not be met by the slow-speed dial-up<br />

internet access available, and their business models<br />

were often unrealistic. The value of stock markets<br />

worldwide fell by some US$5 trillion in the 18 months<br />

that followed. 66 But that period of creative destruction<br />

also saw the birth of many of the giants that dominate<br />

the internet today, including Google and Tencent<br />

(both founded in 1998) and Alibaba (in 1999).<br />

Perhaps the most sustained example of how<br />

falling prices drive market expansion comes with

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