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24 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2016<br />

Table O.2 Classifying the digital citizen engagement cases<br />

Case<br />

Location<br />

Additional offline<br />

mobilization<br />

CSO partners<br />

with<br />

government<br />

Collective<br />

feedback<br />

Impact<br />

Citizen uptake<br />

Government<br />

response<br />

Por Mi Barrio<br />

Uruguay<br />

L<br />

H<br />

I Change My City<br />

India<br />

M<br />

H<br />

Lungisa<br />

South Africa<br />

L<br />

H<br />

Pressure Pan<br />

Brazil<br />

H<br />

M<br />

Rappler<br />

Philippines<br />

H<br />

M<br />

Change.org<br />

World<br />

H<br />

M<br />

U-report<br />

Uganda<br />

H<br />

L<br />

Huduma<br />

Kenya<br />

L<br />

L<br />

Daraja Maji Matone<br />

Tanzania<br />

L<br />

L<br />

FixMyStreet<br />

Georgia<br />

L<br />

L<br />

Check My School<br />

Philippines<br />

L<br />

L<br />

Barrios Digital<br />

Bolivia<br />

L<br />

L<br />

e-Chautari<br />

Nepal<br />

L<br />

L<br />

I Paid a Bribe<br />

India<br />

M<br />

L<br />

Mejora Tu Escuela<br />

Mexico<br />

L<br />

L<br />

Karnataka BVS<br />

India<br />

L<br />

L<br />

Sauti Za Wananchi<br />

Tanzania<br />

L<br />

L<br />

Source: WDR 2016 team, based on Peixoto and Fox 2015, for the WDR 2016.<br />

Note: Examples are arranged by degree of government response. CSO = civil society organization. L = low; M = medium; H = high.<br />

three were successful (table O.2). Of eight cases that<br />

did not involve a partnership, most failed. This suggests<br />

that, although collaboration with government<br />

is not a sufficient condition for success, it may well<br />

be a necessary one. Another ingredient for success is<br />

effective offline mobilization, particularly because<br />

citizen uptake of the digital channels was low in most<br />

of the cases. For example, Maji Matone, which facilitates<br />

SMS-based feedback about rural water supply<br />

problems in Tanzania, received only 53 SMS messages<br />

during its first six months of operation, far less than<br />

the initial target of 3,000, and was then abandoned.<br />

Political participation and engagement of the poor<br />

has remained rare, while in many countries the internet<br />

has disproportionately benefited political elites<br />

and increased the governments’ capacity to influence<br />

social and political discourse. Digital technologies<br />

have sometimes increased voting overall, but this has<br />

not necessarily resulted in more informed or more<br />

representative voting. In the Brazilian state of Rio<br />

Grande do Sul, online voting increased voter turnout<br />

by 8 percentage points, but online voters were disproportionately<br />

wealthier and more educated (figure<br />

O.19). Even in developed countries, engaging citizens<br />

continues to be a challenge. Only a small, unrepresentative<br />

subset of the population participates, and it is<br />

often difficult to sustain citizen engagement. There<br />

is no agreement among social scientists on whether<br />

the internet disproportionately empowers citizens or<br />

political elites, whether it increases polarization, or<br />

whether it deepens or weakens social capital, in some<br />

cases even facilitating organized violence.<br />

The use of technology in governments tends to be<br />

successful when it addresses fairly straightforward<br />

information and monitoring problems. For more<br />

demanding challenges, such as better management of<br />

providers or giving citizens greater voice, technology<br />

helps only when governments are already responsive.<br />

The internet will thus often reinforce rather than<br />

replace existing accountability relationships between

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