08.01.2017 Views

CORRUPTION IN CONFLICT

5IlaWjQej

5IlaWjQej

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

The cable explained that some Afghans “imagine that the U.S. government and<br />

coalition could use their considerable influence more forcefully to deal with<br />

corrupt Afghan officials and their wrongdoing.” 115 Similarly, one of Ambassador<br />

Ronald Neumann’s main recommendations to Washington at the end of his tenure<br />

in 2007 was to push “the Afghan government harder on issues of corruption and<br />

good governance.” 116<br />

DOD officials also became more attuned to corruption as a threat to the success<br />

of counterinsurgency operations in 2005 and 2006. Ambassador Neumann<br />

reported that, during a December 2005 visit to Kabul, Secretary of Defense<br />

Donald Rumsfeld noted that “Afghanistan was plagued by corruption and bad<br />

governance.” 117 In the summer of 2006, a senior DOD official was tapped to<br />

review U.S. policy in Afghanistan and assessed that corruption was feeding<br />

a “crisis in governance.” 118 The official briefed Rumsfeld that corruption was now<br />

a security issue:<br />

Enormous popular discontent is building against corrupt and<br />

ineffective governance, undermining Karzai’s political standing,<br />

weakening the legitimacy of the new political order, and<br />

creating a vacuum of power in the south and other areas that<br />

the Taliban can exploit. 119<br />

The official claimed that a consensus existed “among key Afghan leaders and<br />

international officials on the nature of the problem.” The brief given to Rumsfeld<br />

described current reform efforts and further actions needed to monitor the<br />

performance of local and national government bodies and prosecute “selected bad<br />

actors—abusive police chiefs, spoilers, and officials involved in the drug trade—<br />

as an example to others.” The brief also called for the United States to assume a<br />

“de facto lead role” in mobilizing a comprehensive judicial reform program. 120<br />

Shortly thereafter, in December 2006, the U.S. Army issued Field Manual 3-24,<br />

Counterinsurgency, known as the CO<strong>IN</strong> manual. This publication explicitly aimed<br />

to offer principles and guidelines for forces fighting insurgencies in Afghanistan<br />

and Iraq. 121 The manual stated, “The primary objective of any CO<strong>IN</strong> operation is<br />

to foster development of effective governance by a legitimate government.” 122<br />

It repeatedly warned that corruption threatens counterinsurgency efforts by<br />

eroding public trust in the host nation government and thus undermining the<br />

state’s legitimacy. The doctrine detailed several historical examples where<br />

corruption had posed a serious and even fatal threat to CO<strong>IN</strong> efforts: Chiang<br />

Kai-shek’s counterinsurgency against Mao Zedong in China, the British<br />

counterinsurgency in Malaysia, and the U.S.-trained South Vietnamese military. 123<br />

In addition, the CO<strong>IN</strong> manual noted that weak oversight could undermine the<br />

mission, calling for commanders to “supervise contracted personnel to ensure<br />

they do not undermine achieving CO<strong>IN</strong> objectives.” 124<br />

At USAID, concerns about corruption in Afghanistan also rose during this<br />

time. In 2004, the agency undertook a comprehensive assessment of Afghan<br />

corruption, which the embassy described as informing USAID anticorruption<br />

programming. 125 In early 2005, USAID headquarters articulated a new strategy to<br />

22<br />

SIGAR I <strong>CORRUPTION</strong> <strong>IN</strong> <strong>CONFLICT</strong> I SEPTEMBER 2016

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!