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European Union Dual Labour Markets 79<br />

2.6<br />

TFP<br />

2.4<br />

Spain<br />

2.2<br />

France<br />

2<br />

1.8<br />

1.6<br />

Italy<br />

United Kingdom<br />

1.4<br />

U.S.<br />

1.2<br />

1<br />

Germany<br />

0.8<br />

1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010<br />

Figure 2.3 TFP in some OECD countries (Index 1950 = 1, Fernández-<br />

Villaverde and Ohanian, 2015).<br />

shorter, firms become more reluctant to invest in workers’ training because they<br />

can benefit less from this investment in human capital.<br />

By the same token, temporary workers may lack the right incentives to<br />

improve on their job performance through exerting more effort and accumulating<br />

better productive capabilities. Further, given that these skills are important<br />

determinant of multifactor productivity, this mechanism may have played a relevant<br />

role in explaining the unsatisfactory development of TFP growth in EU<br />

countries with segmented labour markets, as depicted in Figure 2.3.<br />

The empirical evidence about the impact of temporary work on labour market<br />

outcomes shows that, in general, it could be beneficial in unified labour<br />

markets (stepping stones) while it is unambiguously detrimental in dual labour<br />

markets (dead ends). As mentioned above, this is especially the case when<br />

wage bargaining is ruled by an insider-outsider model which prevents wages<br />

to offset labour turnover costs. For example, Zijl et al. (2004) and Dolado et al.<br />

(2015a) find that TC do not improve access to PC. Furthermore, they create<br />

excessive wage pressure (see Bentolila and Dolado, 1994), lead to low firms’<br />

training investments on workers (see Cabrales et al., 2014, OECD) and lead

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