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124 Christian Dustmann, Giovanni Facchini and Cora Signorotto<br />

in fertility once they are in the destination country, but she finds evidence of a<br />

long-term effect of the initial shock.<br />

In Europe, Andersson (2004) uses Swedish longitudinal register data and<br />

finds evidence of a before-migration disruption in fertility, which is followed by<br />

a right-after-migration catchup. Toulemon (2004) and Toulemon et al. (2008)<br />

also find evidence of disruption patterns in fertility for immigrants to France.<br />

Different results emerge instead in a study carried out by Garssen and Nicolaas<br />

(2008) on migrants to the Netherlands. Using information from Dutch municipal<br />

population registries for 2005, they find that Turkish and Moroccan women<br />

display higher fertility rates than those reported in their country of origin, and<br />

argue that migration for family formation reasons might explain this trend.<br />

Female migration from Turkey and Morocco, in fact, is mainly motivated by<br />

family reunification, given the traditional role of women in these source countries.<br />

Similar results are obtained also by Mayer and Riphahn (2000) in their<br />

analysis of assimilation and/or disruption patterns in the fertility of immigrants<br />

to Germany.<br />

Open Issues<br />

Data limitations is one of the main difficulties researchers face when studying<br />

immigrant fertility. In particular, detailed information on immigrants’ lifetime<br />

events such as age at migration, complete birth histories (i.e., before and after<br />

migration), return migration and the socio-demographic characteristics of their<br />

families of origin would allow for a more comprehensive analysis of migrants’<br />

demographic trends.<br />

Overall, and despite current limitations in fertility estimates and projections,<br />

the evidence we have reviewed suggests that migrants tend to assimilate to the<br />

destination country’s fertility patterns. Immigrants’ younger age and initially<br />

higher fertility rates may help rejuvenate the host countries’ populations in the<br />

short run. However, migrants’ assimilation to the host country fertility patterns<br />

implies that such rejuvenation will largely have to rely on a continuous inflow<br />

of immigrants. Therefore, migration alone is unlikely to compensate for the<br />

ageing workforces in European countries.<br />

3.4 Permanent versus Temporary Migration<br />

To fully understand the demographic and fiscal impact of immigration on the<br />

host countries, we must consider whether migrations are permanent or temporary,<br />

and more generally what their durations are. If immigration is predominantly<br />

permanent, older migrants will contribute to the ageing of the host country<br />

population in the longer run, and to an increase in the demand for health<br />

and long-term care services. If, however, most migrations are temporary, immigrants<br />

may contribute to rejuvenating the existing workforce and contribute in

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