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Inequality and Welfare: Is Europe Special? 529<br />

0.6<br />

South<br />

Liberal Conservative<br />

0.4<br />

0.2<br />

0.0<br />

–0.2<br />

–0.4<br />

Republicans<br />

South<br />

North<br />

North<br />

–0.6<br />

Democrats<br />

1879<br />

1893 1907 1921 1935 1949 1963 1977 1991 2005<br />

Figure 12.7 Republican–Democrat distance on Liberal–Conservative Dimension<br />

for the US House of Representatives, 1879–2012 (Bonica et al., 2013).<br />

system requires to some extent a consensus, or at least moderate representatives<br />

from the other political side (because of the bicameral legislature<br />

with a filibuster) to pass laws, the polarization has created a policy gridlock<br />

preventing the US system from adopting redistributive policies to maintain disposable<br />

inequality in a moderate range.<br />

The next issue is to understand why such of polarization happens and why<br />

after all redistribution policies become less popular. It is maybe the most difficult<br />

issue of social sciences to establish some causal relations about why political<br />

stances are becoming more or less popular. John Roemer (Roemer et al.,<br />

2007) hypotheses that instead of being one dimensional (more or less welfare<br />

state), the political agenda is nowadays bi-dimensional, where the second political<br />

axis is how open the society should be to people originating from other ethnicities.<br />

The choice along this second dimension interferes with the choice over<br />

the redistributive dimension and changes the equilibrium of the political game.<br />

If people of the ethnic majority have the feeling (maybe it is untrue) that the<br />

welfare recipients come in a disproportionate fraction from the minorities, some<br />

voters will be against an extension of the welfare state and even for a reduction<br />

of the welfare state because of their mixed feelings vis-à-vis the minority. The<br />

authors estimate that if all voters held nonracist views, liberal and conservative<br />

parties alike would have proposed levels of redistribution 10–20 per cent<br />

higher than they did. On European data (ESS), Senik et al. (2009) found that<br />

natives that hold negative views about immigrants tend to be less supportive<br />

of the welfare state independently of the perceived presence of immigrants. To<br />

the extent that the racial issue used to be less intense in Europe than in the US,

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