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Developments in Data for Economic Research 597<br />

that is, policies used to bring unemployed back to the labour market, is that the<br />

benefits obtained by the beneficiaries of these policies come at the expense of<br />

workers who do not have access to these programmes. This concern has been<br />

around for long but, until recently, the presence of this effect or its magnitude<br />

had not been measured. Crépon et al. (2013) developed and implemented an<br />

experiment to address this question. The design was based on a double randomization.<br />

In a first step, markets were selected to develop or not the programme,<br />

generating ‘test’ and ‘control’ markets. In a second step, a fraction of the potential<br />

participants in test markets were randomly assigned to the programme and<br />

some to a control group. Comparing potential participants in the control group<br />

in test markets and control markets has shown that there is indeed a displacement<br />

effect and that it is substantial. Results showed a substantial improvement<br />

in the employment situation of beneficiaries, but no improvement of potential<br />

participants in test markets as a whole compared to control markets.<br />

A final example is related to price incentives. One general belief is that for<br />

a price policy to have an impact, it has to substantially change financial incentives.<br />

For example, if it comes to subsidizing a product, the subsidy has to be<br />

large. RCTs have shown that this is not necessarily the case: large impacts can<br />

be obtained from very small incentives. One example is immunization programmes.<br />

These programmes often face the challenge that participation is low.<br />

Too few people start the immunization and/or too many drop out. In the context<br />

of an immunization programme for children in rural India, Banerjee et al.<br />

(2010) found that even a reward as small as one kilo of lentils considerably<br />

increases participation. The authors tested two different treatments. In 30 villages<br />

they installed reliable immunization camps and in 30 other villages they<br />

installed the same type of immunization camp combined with small incentives<br />

(one kilo of lentils for each child for each show-up). 74 villages served as control<br />

group. The authors found that twice as many children finished the immunization<br />

programme when it was combined with small incentives relative to<br />

when it was not.<br />

New Developments and Outlook for RCTs<br />

Faced with a policy design question, policy-makers have many ways to try to<br />

answer it. All these potential answers are based on ideas about mechanisms<br />

at play and on views about what matters or not. Simultaneously, there is a<br />

demand from policy-makers to learn about the impact of their programmes.<br />

RCTs are increasingly used to meet this demand. They have shown that not all<br />

the solutions work, that some beliefs about programme efficiency and underlining<br />

mechanisms are incorrect. They have also shown that the consequences<br />

of mistakes can be of first order importance.<br />

RCTs allow accumulating two types of knowledge: about programmes that<br />

work or not, but also about mechanisms at work or not. This knowledge

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