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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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108 / Ulloa Hung<br />

not mean that each group underwent an identical development, the emergence<br />

of a ceramic tradition does highlight a signi¤cant and complex process<br />

that should not be expla<strong>in</strong>ed us<strong>in</strong>g merely diffusionist or chronological approaches.<br />

THE ANTILLES: THE CASES OF CUBA<br />

AND DOMINICAN REPUBLIC<br />

The Island of Cuba<br />

Until the 1970s, Caribbean archaeology had focused almost exclusively on the<br />

ceramics of farm<strong>in</strong>g communities that arrived <strong>in</strong> the Lesser Antilles around<br />

the third century b.c. from northeastern Venezuela. The chronological and<br />

spatial outl<strong>in</strong>e created by North American archaeologist Irv<strong>in</strong>g Rouse and<br />

Spanish archaeologist José M. Cruxent (1961) was one of the most comprehensive<br />

attempts to consider variations <strong>in</strong> this type of <strong>in</strong>dustry. Their de¤nition<br />

of styles and series aris<strong>in</strong>g from technical, stylistic, and chronological<br />

studies created a model that attempted to expla<strong>in</strong> ceramic transformations<br />

through the construction of a phylogenetic tree for the Caribbean Bas<strong>in</strong> based<br />

on historic/evolutionary development. However, when this “tree” is studied at<br />

a more localized level, local sequences tended to be unil<strong>in</strong>eal. Type sites <strong>in</strong> the<br />

model provided examples from which the rest of the cultural characteristics<br />

could be <strong>in</strong>ferred. On occasions, assemblages were forced <strong>in</strong>to a certa<strong>in</strong> style<br />

or series without consider<strong>in</strong>g other reasons for variation, such as migration by<br />

the ceramists or the local development of new pottery traditions.<br />

This schematic research approach affected <strong>in</strong>vestigations of forag<strong>in</strong>g communities.<br />

The mean<strong>in</strong>g of the term Ciboney, co<strong>in</strong>ed by the early Spanish<br />

chronicles for hunter and gatherer groups and later developed as an archaeological<br />

cultural term by the North American <strong>in</strong>vestigator Mark R. Harr<strong>in</strong>gton<br />

(1935), was expanded and divided <strong>in</strong>to two cultural traditions based on the<br />

<strong>Cuban</strong> sites of Cayo Redondo and Guayabo Blanco. Through the anthropological<br />

prism of North American historical particularism, the general designation<br />

Ciboney, comb<strong>in</strong>ed with the considerations of so-called diagnostic objects,<br />

established a supposed and necessary evolution from one aspect to<br />

another that spanned several chronological periods that did not <strong>in</strong>clude the<br />

development of a ceramic tradition. Further, the classi¤cation created for <strong>Cuban</strong><br />

forag<strong>in</strong>g groups was considered a valid model for the rest of the Antilles,<br />

and the differences and variations between settlements with<strong>in</strong> the same category<br />

were obscured. The few ceramics found <strong>in</strong> contexts classi¤ed as Ciboney

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