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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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Introduction / 5<br />

the Censo de Sitios Arqueológicos, which has resulted <strong>in</strong> a sizeable computerized<br />

database; it should serve as a model for record<strong>in</strong>g and <strong>in</strong>ventory<strong>in</strong>g<br />

archaeological sites throughout the Caribbean (see Dacal and Watters, Chapter<br />

2).<br />

In the realm of theory, <strong>Cuban</strong> archaeologists have applied the concept of<br />

transculturation, developed for the ¤rst time by the <strong>Cuban</strong> anthropologist<br />

Fernando Ortíz (1943), to the <strong>in</strong>teraction of ancient groups. Transculturation<br />

has been used successfully to expla<strong>in</strong> many changes <strong>in</strong> late Archaic and Colonial<br />

times that resulted from the <strong>in</strong>teraction between groups with<strong>in</strong> Cuba<br />

and with those from neighbor<strong>in</strong>g islands (e.g., Rey 1970; Ulloa Hung and<br />

Valcárcel Rojas 2002). <strong>Cuban</strong> archaeologists have brought the issue of culture<br />

change to a higher level of discussion, especially <strong>in</strong> deal<strong>in</strong>g with protoagricultural<br />

societies or with Archaic pottery-makers (see Ulloa Hung, Chapter 6;<br />

Ulloa Hung and Valcárcel Rojas 2002).<br />

Another major contribution is <strong>in</strong> the area of historical archaeology (Domínguez,<br />

Chapter 4). In general, historical archaeology has been poorly appreciated<br />

<strong>in</strong> the Caribbean and other parts of the Americas, but the works of<br />

<strong>Cuban</strong> archaeologists deal<strong>in</strong>g with topics such as the hacienda system (see<br />

S<strong>in</strong>gleton, Chapter 10), slavery and escaped slaves (La Rosa Corzo, Chapter<br />

9), and urban processes (Domínguez, Chapter 4) have <strong>in</strong> many ways anticipated<br />

developments <strong>in</strong> the North American branch of this ¤eld by a<br />

decade or more. Of special <strong>in</strong>terest are recent renovation projects <strong>in</strong> Old Havana<br />

that have <strong>in</strong>tegrated <strong>in</strong> an exemplary manner the work of historians,<br />

architects, and archaeologists (Domínguez, Chapter 4). Although it is true<br />

that other pioneer<strong>in</strong>g works tied to historic renovations exist (e.g., Ricardo<br />

Alegría’s work <strong>in</strong> Old San Juan, Puerto Rico), most of these have focused on<br />

architectural restoration rather than on a scholarly, multidiscipl<strong>in</strong>ary study of<br />

colonial urban settlements. In terms of its multidiscipl<strong>in</strong>ary nature, the jo<strong>in</strong>t<br />

project between the <strong>Cuban</strong> government and UNESCO is serv<strong>in</strong>g as a model<br />

for restoration of other colonial zones <strong>in</strong> the Americas.<br />

ON INTERNATIONALISM, POLITICS,<br />

AND THE PRACTICE OF ARCHAEOLOGY<br />

To qualify our critique of American perceptions of <strong>Cuban</strong> scholarship, we<br />

should acknowledge that <strong>in</strong> recent years archaeologists have become <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly<br />

sensitive to the political context of their work, both <strong>in</strong>tellectually and <strong>in</strong><br />

terms of practice. Critical assessments of “nationalist archaeology” <strong>in</strong> differ-

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