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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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194 / S<strong>in</strong>gleton<br />

wares has been generally attributed to females. As mentioned, the slave trade<br />

to Cuba was heavily oriented to the procurement of males (Bergad et al.<br />

1995:27).<br />

Household and personal objects, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g ceramics, iron kettles, beads,<br />

tobacco pipes, brewed beverages, and a few decorative items such as a metal<br />

fragment from a parasol, attest to the fact that the enslaved community participated<br />

<strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ternal economy as consumers. It is unclear how they were<br />

able to earn money to purchase or produce items to barter for these items.<br />

Garden<strong>in</strong>g appears to have been the primary way enslaved laborers produced<br />

commodities for trade throughout the Americas. In Cuba, as on other<br />

Caribbean Islands, enslaved workers were often granted provision grounds<br />

known as conucos. The extent to which slaveholders provided slave workers<br />

with conucos varied through time and from plantation to plantation. Hous<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the enslaved community <strong>in</strong> bohíos as opposed to barracones—masonry structures<br />

conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g prison-like cells for slave habitation—facilitated small backyard<br />

food production of garden crops and keep<strong>in</strong>g animals such as pigs and<br />

chicken.<br />

Meat products apparently were scarce food resources for the occupants at<br />

the El Padre slave village. Written accounts emphasize the k<strong>in</strong>ds of plant food<br />

enslaved <strong>Cuban</strong>s were provided. Many plantations reserved a small amount<br />

of land for the cultivation for slave food of crops such as yuca (manioc),<br />

malanga (a starchy tuber similar <strong>in</strong> both texture and taste to African yams),<br />

sweet potatoes, or planta<strong>in</strong>s (González Fernández 1991:173). All these crops<br />

were grown at the cafetal <strong>in</strong> addition to corn (ANC 1841). Animal food rema<strong>in</strong>s<br />

recovered archaeologically are usually a reliable <strong>in</strong>dicator of the approximate<br />

amount of meat consumed. In the case of the El Padre slave village,<br />

however, fewer than 100 fragments of animal bones were recovered, and<br />

these came from plow-zone deposits rather than trash pits. The small sample<br />

size comb<strong>in</strong>ed with the mixed archaeological context make the faunal assemblage<br />

<strong>in</strong>appropriate for zooarchaeological calculations that could estimate the<br />

amount of consumable meat or the contribution of meat to the diet. The<br />

recovery of such a small amount of animal bone is surpris<strong>in</strong>g consider<strong>in</strong>g that<br />

a stock-rais<strong>in</strong>g farm, also belong<strong>in</strong>g to Ignacio O’Farrill, was adjacent to the<br />

cafetal.<br />

Perhaps the small amount of recovered animal bone is an <strong>in</strong>dication that<br />

slave community had little or no access to livestock raised <strong>in</strong> the potrero but<br />

consumed salted or preserved ¤sh and meats conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g little or no bone. It is<br />

impossible to determ<strong>in</strong>e the k<strong>in</strong>ds of foods that were distributed to the en-

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