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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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The Ceramic Art of Agricultural Groups <strong>in</strong> the Antilles / 157<br />

that alone, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Olmos (1991), do not possess a mean<strong>in</strong>g. It is when<br />

they are comb<strong>in</strong>ed with the rest of the elements of the design that they acquire<br />

a mean<strong>in</strong>g and become proper symbolic units. Possible examples of this <strong>in</strong>terpretation<br />

are the circle on the body of the frog or <strong>in</strong> the middle of the burén<br />

and the cassava and the rhombus-like body of the frog with the circle-cassava<br />

superimposed <strong>in</strong> the example of Puerto Rico (Figure 8.7a). Nevertheless, the<br />

s<strong>in</strong>gle designs of concentric circles, triangles, rhomboids, and other compositions<br />

of geometric character are observed <strong>in</strong> a large sample of burenes, possibly<br />

represent<strong>in</strong>g iconic syntagmas of the same topic, s<strong>in</strong>ce the reference context is<br />

the burén. As <strong>in</strong> the case of the turtle vessels, the burén is both the frog itself<br />

and the history of the tw<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> the orig<strong>in</strong> myth of systematized agriculture.<br />

THE CRYING FIGURE<br />

My last topic is related to a cry<strong>in</strong>g ¤gure commonly found <strong>in</strong> ceramics from<br />

eastern Cuba. In the collection from Loma del Indio, Celaya and Godo<br />

(2000) reconstructed about 30 varieties of this character (see examples <strong>in</strong> Figures<br />

8.9, 8.10, and 8.11), generically identi¤ed by a face under a simple or<br />

double arch that extends to the sides, suggest<strong>in</strong>g the presence of limbs. The<br />

tears, when present, are shown as s<strong>in</strong>gle, double, or triple <strong>in</strong>cisions and rarely<br />

as punctation. In the process of artistic synthesis some features (nose, mouth,<br />

tears) were lost and others persisted, such as the eyes, the appliqué <strong>in</strong> the form<br />

of arches, or smaller strips of clay that evoke the image, even though other<br />

more clearly ¤gurative elements are miss<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

These cry<strong>in</strong>g faces, which have also been found <strong>in</strong> media other than ceramics,<br />

are usually called the llora-lluvias (cry-ra<strong>in</strong>s) and traditionally have<br />

been identi¤ed with the zemi Bo<strong>in</strong>ayel. Arrom (1975) has suggested that this<br />

zemi was the provider of ra<strong>in</strong> and, accord<strong>in</strong>g to the myth, its companion was<br />

Márohu, its complementary opposite whose name can be translated as “without<br />

clouds” or “spirit of the clear skies.” Several bicephalous entities and similar<br />

double ¤gures or tw<strong>in</strong>s have been connected to these zemies.<br />

After consider<strong>in</strong>g the iconographic heterogeneity among the anthropozoomorphic<br />

¤gures, Celaya and Godo (2000) have questioned the identi¤cation<br />

of the mythical Bo<strong>in</strong>ayel with the archaeological cry<strong>in</strong>g ¤gures (Figure 8.11).<br />

In the case of the anthropozoomorphic ¤gure, the <strong>in</strong>dividual is related to the<br />

previously mentioned coil or cleat-lug handles that represent a synthesis of the<br />

turtle or another handle type similar to the representations of owls, where<br />

the emphasis is on the beak and the eyes are shown as perforations or depres-

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