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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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Slavery at a <strong>Cuban</strong> Coffee Plantation / 187<br />

reduced scale with one-fourth of the slave force utilized by Ignacio O’Farrill.<br />

In 1844 a hurricane destroyed the coffee works, and the rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g enslaved<br />

community was relocated to the sugar plantation San Juan de Nepomuceno,<br />

where 40 laborers from the cafetal had been placed earlier (ANC Escribanía<br />

Archivo de Galletti, legajo 240, 1838–1839). From 1844 to 1853, La Real Hacienda<br />

(the Royal Treasury) of Cuba took over the adm<strong>in</strong>istration of Ignacio<br />

O’Farrill’s estate until the debts and back taxes were settled. The sugar plantations<br />

were eventually sold, and coffee cultivation was never restored at the<br />

cafetal. At some later po<strong>in</strong>t, the coffee plantation ceased to exist and was subdivided<br />

<strong>in</strong>to sitios, or small subsistence farms (ANC Gobierno General, legajo<br />

652, expediente 27528, 1862).<br />

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS<br />

AT CAFETAL DEL PADRE<br />

Ru<strong>in</strong>s of three structures made of mampostería—a construction material consist<strong>in</strong>g<br />

of stone, rubble, and a lime-based mortar—are located on the site of<br />

El Padre today (Figure 10.1). These structures <strong>in</strong>clude the great house, a wall<br />

enclosure surround<strong>in</strong>g the site of the slave village, trapezoidal <strong>in</strong> shape (104 m<br />

on its longest side and 71.5 m on the widest) and measur<strong>in</strong>g 3.35 m <strong>in</strong> height,<br />

and a specialized build<strong>in</strong>g of unknown function tentatively designated as an<br />

almacén (warehouse). Archaeological test<strong>in</strong>g has been undertaken around<br />

each of the ru<strong>in</strong>s, but excavations with<strong>in</strong> the slave village have been the primary<br />

focus of the archaeological research thus far (Figure 10.5). Probate <strong>in</strong>ventories<br />

of the plantation (ANC Galletti, legajo 245, expediente 1, 1838–1839;<br />

ANC Galletti, legajo 934, expediente 6, 1841) con¤rm that the area with<strong>in</strong> the<br />

wall enclosure was <strong>in</strong>deed the site of the slave village conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g from 30 to<br />

45 bohíos—wood frame build<strong>in</strong>gs, walled with cane, clay, or clapboards and<br />

roofed with thatch. 1 The bohíos at Cafetal del Padre used for hous<strong>in</strong>g enslaved<br />

workers were constructed of guano y embarrado, mud- or clay-walled build<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

with thatched roofs of palm, while those used for outbuild<strong>in</strong>gs such as<br />

the overseer’s kitchen and the chicken house were made of guano y estantes de<br />

madera (clapboards) with palm roofs (ANC Galletti, legajo 934, expediente<br />

6). Although excavations have not yielded archaeological rema<strong>in</strong>s of preserved<br />

mud or daub as has been the case <strong>in</strong> other excavations of clay-walled slave<br />

dwell<strong>in</strong>gs (Armstrong 1999; Wheaton and Garrow 1985), the small amount of<br />

recovered nails suggests that wood was not the primary material used to build<br />

the walls of the slave bohíos.

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