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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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116 / Ulloa Hung<br />

ecological po<strong>in</strong>ts of view, characterized by restrictive typological concepts and<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividual sequences that have been used to generalize the rest of the island.<br />

Under this approach, the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of the Neolithic transition <strong>in</strong> Cuba has<br />

generally been de¤ned by the presence of ceramics and of certa<strong>in</strong> traits <strong>in</strong><br />

®<strong>in</strong>tknapp<strong>in</strong>g techniques and the typology of lithic manufacture. The lack of<br />

analysis of early plant domestication has contributed to an uncritical acceptance<br />

of these other two elements as valid and diagnostic <strong>in</strong>dicators of this<br />

stage.<br />

(2) The position that lithic technology is an absolute, <strong>in</strong>dicative trait of<br />

homotaxonomy. Instances of contemporaneity of sites have caused some local<br />

sequences to be assigned to cultural traditions de¤ned by po<strong>in</strong>ts of reference<br />

similar to site types. When the protoagriculturalists of Cuba are analyzed<br />

with reference to certa<strong>in</strong> lithic typologies, the areas where diagnostic types are<br />

not manifested appear as a k<strong>in</strong>d of black hole. Long-distance migrations have<br />

been proposed to expla<strong>in</strong> these gaps. This approach to the problem does not<br />

take <strong>in</strong>to account the geographical conditions of those supposedly empty<br />

spaces and the characteristics of the forag<strong>in</strong>g populations that occupied them.<br />

In addition, communities that do not ¤t <strong>in</strong>to the lithic sequence will be classi¤ed<br />

as someth<strong>in</strong>g different.<br />

(3) As part of the process of the Neolithic transition <strong>in</strong> Cuba, variations <strong>in</strong><br />

aspects of the archaeological record have been isolated, particularly some features<br />

of ceramic and lithic technology and of settlement patterns. This has led<br />

to an elaboration of successive variants or phases. However, the technical<br />

parameters of the Archaic traditions were not abandoned. What actually<br />

changed was the relative importance of some technologies. In consider<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

archaeological record of communities with these characteristics, it seems reasonable<br />

to contemplate their settlement and subsistence patterns as closely<br />

related, speci¤cally the former as deriv<strong>in</strong>g from the latter. In that case, some<br />

of the contextual differences may result from alternative solutions applied to<br />

concrete problems that demanded either a gather<strong>in</strong>g or a predation strategy.<br />

Some of these strategies could have become consolidated with transformative<br />

consequences, lead<strong>in</strong>g to stable and discernible patterns.<br />

(4) Some of the cultural group<strong>in</strong>gs that form the <strong>Cuban</strong> protoagriculturalist<br />

stage are de¤ned by relationships of homotaxonomy between different archaeological<br />

contexts. For the purpose of <strong>in</strong>terpretation, these cultural group<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

are almost always treated as equivalents. Their signi¤cance has been<br />

deduced accord<strong>in</strong>g to a l<strong>in</strong>eal focus, where homotaxonomy corresponds to a<br />

supposed synchronism.

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