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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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El Chorro de Maíta / 129<br />

the right of the community over the resources and the territory, as well as the<br />

ideology that perpetuates such rights (Curet and Oliver 1998:230).<br />

Dur<strong>in</strong>g post-Saladoid times, the central plaza ceased to be used for the<br />

disposal of the dead, and burials were more often located <strong>in</strong> domestic contexts.<br />

The community, as an effective social and political unit, was displaced<br />

by nuclear households (Curet and Oliver 1998:231) and the cult of the ancestors<br />

reoriented toward the ma<strong>in</strong>tenance of domestic unit (Curet and Oliver<br />

1998:231). The world of the ancestors assumed a hierarchical structure while<br />

the natural world became a replica of the supernatural world. In this new<br />

cosmology, the ancestors of the elite group came to be considered as more<br />

powerful than the rest. The chiefs developed a role for themselves as mediators<br />

between the natural and the supernatural worlds through a greater control<br />

over ceremonies and iconography and a process giv<strong>in</strong>g them preferential access<br />

to the ancestors. Their hierarchical position <strong>in</strong> society was elevated and<br />

legitimated by this process because they possessed the most important ancestors.<br />

New, specialized ceremonial spaces with greater segregation were created<br />

<strong>in</strong> this period, suggest<strong>in</strong>g a more restricted participation and specialized access<br />

to the ceremonial activities and rituals (Curet and Oliver 1998:234). Siegel<br />

(1999) also recognizes the process of formalization of ceremonial space <strong>in</strong><br />

Puerto Rico as a strategy of <strong>in</strong>stitutionalization of social <strong>in</strong>equality. He emphasizes<br />

its transitional character, which he extends to burial practices (Siegel<br />

1999:217–220). Contrary to Curet and Oliver (1998), he estimates that <strong>in</strong> the<br />

¤rst part of the post-Saladoid period the use of the cemetery <strong>in</strong> the central<br />

plaza was ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> some, but not all, sites concurrently with the burials<br />

<strong>in</strong> household areas. This <strong>in</strong>terpretation suggests that at this time the communal<br />

and domestic/private spheres were not exclusionary (Siegel 1999:219).<br />

Siegel’s idea is important because it makes evident the fact that, <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong><br />

circumstances, elements of the communal structure coexist with elements<br />

characteristic of the hierarchical structure. This helps us understand the diversity<br />

of forms possible <strong>in</strong> the process toward <strong>in</strong>stitutionalized social <strong>in</strong>equality.<br />

In this chapter we assess the presence of objects of limited circulation and<br />

of high symbolic value associated with burials of El Chorro de Maíta’s cemetery<br />

as an expression of the process of social differentiation. The important<br />

presence of these objects <strong>in</strong> children’s burials is assumed to be <strong>in</strong>dicative of<br />

the existence of a hereditary elite and of the <strong>in</strong>stitutionalization of social <strong>in</strong>equality.

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