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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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112 / Ulloa Hung<br />

This rule set down the bases for new approaches which, far from shedd<strong>in</strong>g<br />

light on the diversity of forms and contexts, contributed to a situation <strong>in</strong><br />

which one assemblage could be assigned to several classi¤cations accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

the criteria used to evaluate it. Pedro Pablo Godo (1997) observes that the<br />

term protoagriculturalists and its concept have undergone some signi¤cant<br />

changes. First, simple ceramics functioned as a central element <strong>in</strong> the de¤nition<br />

of the term, creat<strong>in</strong>g a situation <strong>in</strong> which the term protoagrícola <strong>in</strong>cluded<br />

all the sites of Cayo Redondo with ceramic evidence. Later, <strong>in</strong>terpretations<br />

changed as the emphasis shifted to lithics. The scheme became an early<br />

phase de¤ned by the presence of microliths and the absence of ceramics, followed<br />

by a Cayo Redondo expression or, if microliths and ceramics were both<br />

present, a protoagricultural expression (Godo 1997:24). In other cases and<br />

regions, the presence of microliths, lam<strong>in</strong>ar fragmentation, and retouched<br />

®akes, even <strong>in</strong> the absence of ceramics, have been assumed to be <strong>in</strong>dicators of<br />

a protoagricultural occupation.<br />

The site of Arroyo del Palo provides an example of this multiplicity of classi¤cations.<br />

In some classi¤cations, it has been framed with<strong>in</strong> the agricultural/<br />

ceramic stage (Dacal Moure and Rivero de La Calle 1986) based on the variability<br />

of its ceramic <strong>in</strong>dustry as well as some elements of the ground stone<br />

assemblage. The conclusions have been that preagricultural people coexisted<br />

with Arawak groups or borrowed their early ceramic technology and assimilated<br />

it with<strong>in</strong> their means of production. That is to say, the <strong>in</strong>clusion of this<br />

site <strong>in</strong> the protoagricultural stage was due to technological reasons; it is<br />

considered part of a transculturation process between foragers and arauacos<br />

(Arawak horticulturalists). Although this last possibility cannot be discarded<br />

completely, with the evidence now at hand this possible process of transculturation<br />

or exchange does not show the adoption of agriculture, at least <strong>in</strong> the<br />

traditional way. If it occurred, the assimilation must have been more on the<br />

order of stylistic and formal elements on the part of a community that already<br />

knew this technique before contact with the Arawak. On the other hand, if<br />

agricultural practices existed, they could have been present at an <strong>in</strong>cipient<br />

level without displac<strong>in</strong>g forag<strong>in</strong>g activities <strong>in</strong> importance.<br />

In other classi¤cations, assemblages with simple pottery have been considered<br />

late expressions of the so-called Mesolithic societies, placed with<strong>in</strong> a<br />

protoagricultural process that has its orig<strong>in</strong>s around 500 b.c. (Dom<strong>in</strong>guez<br />

et al. 1994). In this case, the evolutionary chronology <strong>in</strong> which these expressions<br />

are situated has compartmental aspects, <strong>in</strong> which new discoveries can be<br />

<strong>in</strong>tegrated with<strong>in</strong> the scheme by the presence or absence of certa<strong>in</strong> archaeo-

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