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Dialogues in Cuban Archaeology

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

by L. Antonio Curet, Shannon Lee Dawdy, and Gabino La Rosa Corzo

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132 / Valcárcel Rojas and Rodríguez Arce<br />

The settl<strong>in</strong>g of agricultural groups <strong>in</strong> Banes seems to have begun <strong>in</strong> the<br />

early a.d. 900s with occupation cont<strong>in</strong>u<strong>in</strong>g until the 1400s or 1500s (Valcárcel<br />

2002a:74). El Chorro de Maíta ¤ts with<strong>in</strong> this scheme. Two of the radiocarbon<br />

samples obta<strong>in</strong>ed from the cemetery set beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g and end<strong>in</strong>g dates similar<br />

to these: 870 ± 70 b.p. (Beta—148956; human bone; d 13c/12c = −19 percent)<br />

and 360 ± 80 b.p. (Beta—148955; human bone; d 13c/12c = −19 percent)<br />

(Valcárcel 2002a:142). The late date is also supported by the abundance of<br />

European material mixed with <strong>in</strong>digenous objects <strong>in</strong> residential areas. A third<br />

date of 730 ± 60 b.p. (Beta—148957; charred wood; d 13c/12c = −25 percent)<br />

was obta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> a domestic context located next to the burial area (Valcárcel<br />

2002a:142).<br />

While dif¤cult to prove with the <strong>in</strong>formation at hand, use of the cemetery<br />

could date to the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of residential settlement. In fact, this conclusion<br />

is consistent with the chronological trends of the region. It suggests a logical<br />

action by <strong>in</strong>digenous groups to assure the possession of a territory of exceptional<br />

environmental quality. If this is the case, we are deal<strong>in</strong>g with a space<br />

utilized across ¤ve centuries. Although habitations may not have been cont<strong>in</strong>uously<br />

occupied <strong>in</strong> the same location, they were with<strong>in</strong> a very rich environment<br />

that allowed the concentration of a large population for at least some of<br />

the time, as suggested by the large size of the site.<br />

A date of 670 ± 70 b.p. (Beta—148958; charred wood; d 13c/12c = −25 percent)<br />

marks the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of occupation of the El Boniato site (Valcárcel<br />

2002a:142), located 500 m from El Chorro de Maíta (see Figure 7.2). The<br />

sigma of the date of 730 ± 60 b.p. of El Chorro de Maíta and its calibrated<br />

dates (2 sigma calibration: Cal a.d. 1200 to 1320 [Cal 750 to 630 b.p.] and Cal<br />

a.d. 1350 to 1390 [Cal b.p. 600 to 560]) <strong>in</strong>dicate some degree of contemporaneity<br />

and, given their proximity, some level of relationship between these<br />

settlements. El Boniato is a small location with fewer human rema<strong>in</strong>s and<br />

scarce objects associated with body ornamentation. Its presence affects the<br />

areas of economic exploitation of El Chorro de Maíta and the limits of the<br />

space where the work of the community should have been <strong>in</strong>vested <strong>in</strong> crop<br />

cultivation. It is improbable that the population of El Chorro de Maíta would<br />

have allowed strange or unfriendly people to settle so close to the site. The<br />

similarity of the material culture suggests the possibility that El Boniato represents<br />

a community that either spl<strong>in</strong>tered from El Chorro de Maíta or was<br />

l<strong>in</strong>ked to it through k<strong>in</strong>ship nexuses or alliances.<br />

In addition to El Boniato, three other village sites are located less than<br />

2 km from El Chorro de Maíta, as well as a ceremonial cave site, a funerary

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