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The Unilateral Escalation Paradigm 103

consider all alternative courses of action by evaluating only the future costs and benefits

associated with each alternative. For example, if you are considering whether to quit a

doctoral program, it is irrelevant whether it took you six months or four years to get to

the point you are at now; the key decision involves the future costs and benefits of exiting

versus the future costs and benefits of continuing.

Accounting professors teach their students to recognize sunk costs in accounting

contexts, yet the decisions of managers trained in accounting suggest that the textbook

advice to ignore sunk costs seldom translates into wise solutions to real-world problems.

Why is it so hard for managers to truly absorb the sunk-cost concept? In part, because

the typical training of the concept lacks a descriptive identification of the reasons that

we intuitively tend to include sunk costs in our calculations. To eliminate escalatory

behavior from our repertoire, we need to identify the existing nonrational behavior

within ourselves, ‘‘unfreeze’’ that behavior, and prepare for change.

Decision makers who commit themselves to a particular course of action have a

tendency to make subsequent decisions that continue that commitment beyond the

level suggested by rationality. As a consequence, they often allocate resources in a way

that justifies previous commitments, whether or not those initial commitments now appear

valid. The following section examines the components of this behavior in more

detail.

THE UNILATERAL ESCALATION PARADIGM

Put yourself in the equity firm officer’s predicament again. Our description of the escalation

situation has probably biased you to assume that it would be ‘‘bad’’ for you to

escalate your commitment to the first investment by granting another one. The fact is,

it might be economically rational to continue your investment in the start-up. After all,

it is not always wise to quit at the first sign of failure. Many would argue that doing so is

a sign of a serious psychological deficiency.

How do you separate the rational from the nonrational tendency to escalate? One

body of knowledge suggests that you should try to determine the rational course of

action, ignoring the fact that you personally made the initial monetary commitment. A

number of studies have attempted to separate the effect of being the person who made

the initial commitment from a later decision. Specifically, these studies have investigated

the difference between how two groups of decision makers make a second decision

that follows an initial failure. One group has already made the initial decision,

while the other group inherits the initial decision.

In Staw’s initial study of this type (1976), one group of participants (labeled the

‘‘high-responsibility participants’’) was asked to allocate research-and-development

funds to one of two operating divisions of an organization. The participants were

then told that, after three years, the investment had proven either successful or unsuccessful

and that they were now faced with a second allocation decision concerning

the same division. A second group (labeled the ‘‘low-responsibility participants’’)

was told that another financial officer of the firm had made a decision that had been

either successful or unsuccessful (the same content information about success or

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